X 


PHILLIP  alias  METACOMBT  of  Pokanoket. 

the  'Tiffin,^  ,,.•,  /'></ /is/if J  /•//  /7//// •/•//. 


c.Stftir/t   (< :•  1-f  f/tinte,  his  \ 
life  his  r7wit/yu//n<!s     \ 

'  1 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1832, 

By  JOSIAH  DRAKE, 
in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


Boston : 

S.  N.  Dickinson,  Printer, 
52.  Washington  Street. 


INDIAN    JBiOGRAPHt 

CONTAINING    THE    LIVES    OF    MORE    THAN 
TWO    HUNDRED 

INDIAN   CHIEFS: 

ALSO    SUCH    OTHERS    OF    THAT   RACE    AS    HAVE    RENDERED    THEIR   NAMES 

CONSPICUOUS  IN  THE  HISTORY    OF  NORTH    AMERICA    FROM  ITS    FIRST 

BEING      KNOWN     TO     EUROPEANS    TO     THE     PRESENT     PERIOD. 

GIVING    AT    LARGE    THEIR    MOST 

CELEBRATED    SPEECHES,    MEMORABLE    SAYINGS, 
NUMEROUS    ANECDOTES  if 

AND  A 

HISTORY  OF  THEIR  WARS. 

MUCH  OF  WHICH  IS  TAKEN  FROM  MANUSCRIPTS  NEVER  BEFORE  PUBLISHED. 


*Y  ttAJUU£JL  «.  DRAJCF 


O  time  !  the  beautifier  of  the  dead, 

Adorner  of  the  ruin,  comforter 

And  only  healer  when  the  heart  hath  bled — 

Time  !  the  corrector  where  our  judgments  err BYROK. 

Nishnoh   oonouhkoi  pish  qunohqutteauun,   kah  nishnoh  wadchu,   kah  wadcnuemes   pish 
tiuhquohquttauunash Indian  Bible Isaiah  XL.  4. 


BOSTON. 

PUBfclSJSBJS*  BY  >OBi4A   XHUKk,   A?   THB 
56 


clo.  lo.  cccxxxn. 


TO    THE     REVEREND 

WILLIAM  JENKS,  D.  D. 

The  eminent  Antiquary, 

Renowned  Scholar,  and 
Friend  of  the  Indian  : 

This  work  is  respectfully- 
dedicated,  by  the 

AUTHOR. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


WHOEVER  expects  here  a  preface  of  apologies,  will  loose 
but  little  time  in  finding  a  disappointment.  We  have  none 
to  make.  All  must  acknowledge  the  great  want  of  such  a 
work,  which  is  deemed  a  sufficient  excuse  for  adding  another 
title  to  the  long  catalogue  of  books.  No  exertions  have  been 
remitted,  to  render  it  as  perfect  as  its  magnitude  would  ad 
mit.  It  is  the  first  general  attempt  to  embody  Indian  history 
in  the  only  proper  manner. 

The  following  notices  have  been  thrown  together  within 
a  few  months,  although  many  years  have  elapsed  since  the 
author  began  the  collection  of  materials,  and  set  about  gain 
ing  a  knowledge  of  this  kind  of  history. 

The  first  adventurer  in  any  untrodden  path,  must  often 
find  himself  embarrassed  for  want  of  landmarks,  by  which  to 
direct  his  course.  This  will  be  apparent  to  the  reader.  But 
he  will  not  be  the  first  to  whom  it  has  been  thus  apparent. 
A  small  edition  is  now  offered,  which  if  well  received,  will 
be  much  improved  and  enlarged,  and  placed  at  the  public 
disposal. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  some,  that  in  an  edition  of 
Church's  History  of  Philip's  War,  published  by  the  author  five 
years  ago,  he  advertised  in  a  note  upon  page  ninety-seven  of 
that  work,  that  he  had  it  in  contemplation  to  publish  a  work 


ADVERTISEMENT.  V 

of  this  kind.  This  he  considers  a  redemption  of  that  pledge. 
It  has  been  composed  with  much  freedom  of  expression,  and 
freedom  of  examination  is  expected  in  return. 

The  edition  of  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars  which  he  some  time 
since  announced,  as  preparing  with  large  notes,  is  in  a  for 
ward  state. 

The  reader  should  be  reminded,  that  where  the  "  History 
of  New  England"  is  cited,  reference  to  Mr.  Hubbards  is  un 
derstood.  We  have  no  other  worthy  of  that  title. 

Acknowledgements  are  due  to  several  individuals,  who 
have  directly  or  indirectly  aided  the  author  in  his  work ;  and 
he  can  only  express  his  regret  that  he  is  not  indebted  to  more, 
equally  eminent  in  this  branch  of  American  antiquities.  The 
reverend  Dr.  Jenks,  to  whom,  by  permission,  his  work  is  de 
dicated,  has  many  thanks  for  his  kindness  in  facilitating  his 
researches  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So 
ciety;  as  also  Mr.  Joshua,  Coffin,  of  Boston,  and  the  reverend 
Dr.  Harris,  of  Dorchester,  who  have  obligingly  loaned  him 
several  valuable  manuscripts  ;  and  Edward  D.  Bangs,  Esq. 
Secretary  of  State,  for  his  politeness  in  accelerating  the  ex 
amination  of  our  State  Papers. 

Boston,  May  20th,  1832. 


INDEX 

OF   SOME  OF  THE  MOST    PROMINENT   EVENTS, 

AND      DIRECTIONS 

TO  THE  ACCOUNT   OF  SOME    CHIEFS,  WHOSE    LIVES   ARE  GIVEN 
UNDER  OTHER  NAMES  THAN  THEIR  OWN. 


America,  of  the  first  peopling  of, Little-turtle. 

Attakullakulla,  same  as Little-carpenter. 

Autossee,  battle  of, M'Intosh. 

Battle  of  Tallapoosie, Fife. 

of  Presqueisle, ;.- Blue-jacket. 

of  Lake  George, .....-, Hendrick. 

of  Rehoboth  Plain,. Oneko. 

of  Pequawket, . . . .  ,_v Paugus. 

of  the  Great  Kanhawa, Logan. 

of  the  G.  Bend  in  the  Tallapoosie,.  .M'Intosh. 

of  Sachem's  Plain, Miantunnomoh. 

of  Tippecano, Tecumseh. 

of  the  Thames, Tecumseh. 

Beer's  Fight, Philip. 

Cherokees  take  Fort  Lowdon, Little-carpenter. 

Hostages  massacred, Little-carpenter. 

Church,  col.,  his  first  eastern  expedition,.  .Lightfoot. 
Color  of  Indians,  how  caused, Little-turtle. 


INDEX.  VII 

Death,  viewed  without  terror, Arruhawikwabemt, 

Barrow,  Canonchet,  Pumham,  fyc. 

Defeat  of  Gen.  St.  Clair's  army, Little-turtle. 

Detroit,  siege  of, Pontiac. 

Dieskau's  Defeat, Hendrick. 

Farmer's-Brother, Red-jacket. 

Fight,  first  with  the  English, *-....  Chikataubut. 

with  Capt.  Beers, Philip. 

with  Capt.  Lothrop, Philip. 

with  Capt.  Love  well, Paugus. 

Letters  written  by  Indians, Nepanet,  and 

Hankamagus. 

Love  well's  fight, Paugus. 

Massacre,  of  the  English  at  Michilimakinak,.Ponto'ac. 
of  a  Boat's  crew,  in  Appalachacola 

river, Hornotlimed. 

of  Major  Waldron,  and  his  garrison 

at  Dover,. -. Hankama,gus. 

of  Wyoming, Brandt. 

of  Salmon  Falls, HopeJwod. 

of  700  French,  in  Natchez, Grand-Sun. 

of  500  English,  in  Virginia, Opekankanough. 

of  Fort  Minis, Wetherford. 

of  10  Indians,  at  Lovewell's  pond,. Paugus. 

Mistic  fight, Sassacus. 

Money  of  the  New  England  Indians, Philip. 

Narraganset  fight, Philip. 

New  England,  first  settlement  in, Dehamda. 

Norridgewock,  destruction  of, Mog. 

Oratory, Big-tree —  Corn- 

plant — Logan — Keewaygooshkum — Metea — 
Little-turtle — Red- jacket —  Tecumseh—  Weth 
erford — Powhatan — Opekankanough,  $-c. 


Vlh  INDEX. 

Pequots,  destruction  of, Sassacus. 

Plague,  great  among  the  Indians, Squanto. 

Salmon  Falls  massacre, .. . . . Hopehood. 

Settlement  of  Plimouth, Massasoit. 

Siege  of  Detroit, Pontiac. 

Siege  of  Wells,  and  death  of  Labrocre, Madokawando. 

Smith,  Capt.,  adventures  of, Pow/tatan. 

Speeches  and  memorable  Sayings, Canonchet, 

Ninegret — Barrow — Miantunnomoh — Philip,  fy 

St.  Clair's  defeat, Little-turtle. 

Swamp  fight  at  Narraganset, Philip. 

near  Warwick,  R.  I Magnus. 

at  Pocasset, Philip. 

Tallapoosie,  battle  of  the  Great  Bend  of, Fife. 

lift,  an  adopted  Indian, note  to  Philip. 

Tobacco  first  known  to  the  English, Enscnore, 

Jack-straw. 

Wayne,  Gen.,  victory  at  Presqueisle, Blue-jacket. 

Wells,  siege  of, j.Madokaicando. 

Wyoming,  massacre  at,. Brandt. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY. 


"  We  call  them  Savage— O  be  just ! 

Their  outraged  feelings  scan  ! 
A  voice  comes  forth,  'tis  from  the  dust — 

The  savage  was  a  man  ! 

I  venerate  the  Pilgrim's  cause, 

Yet  for  the  red  man  dare  to  plead ; 

We  bow  to  Heaven's  recorded  laws, 

He  turned  to  nature  for  a  creed." Sprague. 


^  (James,)  one  of  the  Eleven  Christ 
ian  Indians  accused  as  concerned  in  the  murder  of  the 
people  of  Lancaster,  22d  Aug.  1675.  Mr.  Gookin 
calls  him  "  a  Very  understanding  fellow,"  who  plead 
ed  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  rest,  that  what  David 
said  against  them  was  to  sscflfe  his  own  life,  and  to  re 
venge  himself  of  them  because  they  had  seized  and 
delivered  up  to  the  English  his  brother  .Andrew,  whom 
they  had  taken  in  the  service  of  the  English.*  See 
articles  DAVID,  ANDREW,  and  MONOCO. 

•flL&Clirio^  Chief  of  the  Dinondadies.f  About 
1687,  the- Iroquois,  from  some  neglect  on  the  part  of 
the  governor  of  New  York,  owing,  says  Smith,!  to  the 
orders  of  his  master,  "  king  James,  a  poor  bigoted, 
popish,  priest  ridden  prince,"  were  drawn  into  the 
French  interest,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded. 
The  Dinondadies  were  considered  as  belonging  to  the 

*  Manuscript  of  Hon.  D.  Gookin. 

t  Dinondadies,  Golden.     Tionontazed,  Charlavoiz. 

\  Hist.  N.  Y.  56  (4to  ed.) 


10 


ADARIO. 


confederate  Indians,  but  from  some  cause  they  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  league  with  the  French,  and  wish 
ed  by  some  exploit  to  strengthen  themselves  in  the  in 
terest  of  the  English.  For  this  purpose,  Mario  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  J  00  warriors,  and  intercepted 
the  embassadors  of  the  Five  Nations*  at  one  of  the 
falls  in  Kadarakkui  river,  killing  some  and  taking  oth 
ers  prisoners.  These  he  informed  that  the  French 
governor  had  told  him,  that  50  warriors  of  the  Five 
Nations  were  coming  that  way  to  attack  him.  They 
were  astonished  at  the  governor's  perfidiousness,  and 
so  completely  did  the  plot  of  Adario  succeed,  that 
these  embassadors  were  deceived  into  his  interest.  In 
his  parting  speech  to  them  he  said,  «  Go,  my  b^lthren, 
I  untie  your  bonds,  and  send  you  home  again,  though 
our  nations  be  at  war.  The  French  governor  has 
made  me  commit  so  black  an  action,  that  I  shall  never 
be  easy  after  it,  till  the  Five  Nations  shall  have  taken 
full  revenge."  This  outrage  upon  their  embassadors, 
the  Five  Nations  doubted  not  in  the  least  to  be  owing 
to  the  French  governor's  perfidy,  from  the  representa 
tions  of  those  that  returned.  They  now  sought  im 
mediate  revenge  ;  and  assembling  1200  of  their  chief 
warriors,  landed  upon  the  island  of  Montreal,  2G  July, 
1688,  while  the  French  were  in  perfect  security,  burnt 
their  houses,  sacked  their  plantations,  and  slew  all  the 
men,  women,  and  children  without  the  city.  A  thou- 
sandf  persons  were  killed  in  this  expedition.  In  Oc 
tober,  following,  they  attacked  the  island  again  with 

*  These  associated  nations  were  known  by  this  name  until 
1712,  at  which  time  they  were  joined  by  the  Tuskaroras  from 
Carolina,  which  added  another,  and  hence  afterwards  they 
were  properly  called  the  Six  Nations. 

\  So  says  Golden, but  Charlevoix  says  200.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  but  that  the  truth  is  between  them,  as  there  is  am 
ple  room. 


ALDERMAN.  11 

success.  These  horrid  disasters  threw  the  whole  coun 
try  into  the  utmost  consternation.  The  fort  at  lake 
Ontario  was  abandoned,  and  28  barrels  of  powder  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  confederate  Indians.  Nothing 
now  saved  the  French  from  an  entire  extermination 
from  Canada,  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies  in 
the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

•filtllton^  (William,)  a  Christian  Indian  who  lived 
atPunkapogin  1675,  and  was  a  principal  man  of  that 
station.  'In  the  consternation  that  then  prevailed,  the 
Punkapogs  were  ordered  to  leave  their  dwellings  and 
repair*  to  Dorchester.  Capt.  Brattle  with  an  armed 
force  was  directed  to  see  the  order  executed.  This 
done,  "  the  court,  after  they  had  spoken  with  William 
Ahaton,  and  others  of  their  principal  men,  received 
such  satisfaction  from  them  that  they  were  all  returned 
back  to  their  habitations,  except  3  or  4  men  that  were 
suspected."* 

M(lemnflH)  the  Indian  that  shot  Philip.  He 
was  a  subject  of  Weetamore,  the  Squaw  Sachemf  of 
Pocasset.  In  the  commencement  of  Philip's  war  he 
went  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  and  desired  to  re 
main  in  peace  with  the  English,  and  immediately  took 
up  his  residence  upon  an  island,  remote  from  the  tribes 
engaged  in  the  war.  But  meeting  with  Philip  in  jcom- 
pany  with  his  brother,  ventured  to  advise  him  to  make 
peace  with  the  English.  Philip  now  being  driven  to 
desperation,  one  company  of  his  people  taken  after 
another,  in  quick  succession,  could  not  govern  him 
self,  and  in  a  moment,  when  he  even  looked  upon  his 

*  Manuscript  of  Hon.  D.  Gookin. 

t "  Sachems  or  Sagamores — which  are  but  one  and  the 
same  title,  the  first  more  usual  with  the  sopthward,  the  other 
with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  that 
hath  the  chief  command  of  a  j>lace  or  people."  Hist.  N.  E. 
60.  Many  modern  writers,  however,  consider  Sagamore  a 
subordinate  chief.  *. 


12  ALEXANDER. 

own  race  with  horror  and  hatred,  put  to  death  this 
brother  of  Alderman.  The  rest  of  our  notice  of  him 
will  be  given  in  the  life  of  Philip,  with  which  it  is  im 
mediately  connected.  But  we  should  not  omit  to 
mention  here,  that  as  a  compensation  for  the  great  ser 
vice  he  had  done  in  killing  Philip,  he  was  allowed  the 
head  of  the  chief,  which  for  a  long  time  he  carried 
about  as  a  curiosity  to  show  to  people  for  money,  and 
by  this  means  he  accumulated  considerable  sums. 

•ilexander)  The  English  name  of  the  elder 
son  of  Massasoit.  His  real  name  appears  at  first 
to  have  been  Mooanam,  and  afterwards  Wamsutta,  and 
lastly  Alexander.  The  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as 
early  as  1639 ;  in  1656  we  find  him  noticed  under  the 
name  Warnsatta.  About  this  year,  he  and  his  younger 
brother  Metacomet,  were  brought  to  the  court  of  Pli- 
mouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive  English  names, 
the  governor  called  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the 
younger,  Philip,  probably  from  the  two  Macedonian 
heroes,  which  on  being  explained  to  them  might  have 
flattered  their  vanities. 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt, 
and  peculiar  feelings  associated  with  the  name  of  this 
chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career  of  battles,  devas 
tations  or  murders,  for  there  were  none  of  these,  but 
there  is  left  only  for  us  to  relate  an  account  of  his 
death.  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  this  event  is  in  the 
hands  of  almost  eveiy  reader,  and  cited  by  every  writer 
upon  our  early  history,  and  hence  is  extensively  known 
as  by  him  related.  Dr.  I.  Mather  agrees  very  nearly 
in  his  account  with  Mr.  Hubbard,  but  being  more 
minute,  and  rarely  to  be  met  with,  we  give  it  entire. 

«'  In  A.  D.  1662,  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger 
of  being  involved  in  .trouble  by  the  Wampanoag  In 
dians.  After  Massasoit  wAs  dead,  his  two  sons,  called 


ALEXANDER.  13 

Wamsutta  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the  court  at  Pli- 
mouth  pretending  high  respect  for  the  English,  and, 
therefore,  desired  English  names  might  h.e  imposed  on 
them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named  Wamsutta, 
the  elder  brother  Alexander,  and  Metacomet,  tfce  younger 
brother,  Philip.  This  Alexander,  Philip's  immediate 
predecessor,  was  not  so  faithful  and  friendly  to  the 
English  as  his  father  had  been.  For  some  of  Boston, 
having  been  occasionally  at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that 
Alexander  was  contriving  mischief  against  the  English, 
and  that  he  had  solicited  the  Narragansets  to  engage 
with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.  Hereupon,  capt. 
Willet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  place  where 
Alexander  did  reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him, 
and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the  next  court  in  Plimouth, 
for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication,  he 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professing 
that  the  Narragansets,  whom,  he  said,  were  his  ene 
mies,  had  put  an  abuse  upon  him.  and  he  readily  prom 
ised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.  But  when  the  day 
for  his  appearance  was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  afc 
that  very  time  went  over  to  the  Narragansets,  his  pre 
tended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other  circum 
stances,  caused  the  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect 
there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  information  given,  than 
at  first  they  were  aware  of.  Wherefore  the  governor 
and  magistrates  there,  ordered  Major  Winslow  (who  is 
since,  and  at  this  day  [1677]  governor  of  that  colony),  to 
take  a  party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Alexander.  The 
major  considering  that  semper  rocuit  defcrre  paratis,  he 
took  but  10  armed  men  with  him  from  Marshfield, 
intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns  that  Jay 
nearer  Mount  Hope.  But  divine  providence  so  ordered, 
msthat  when  they  were  about  the  midway  between 


14  ALEXANDER. 

Plimouth  and  Bridgewater,*  observing  an  hunting 
house,  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find 
Alexander  and  many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their 
guns  standing  together  without  the  house.  The  major, 
with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  the 
Indian's  arms,  and  beset  the  house  ;  then  did  he  go  in 
amongst  them,  acquainting  the  Sachem  with  the  reason 
of  his  coming  in  such  a  way  ;  desiring  Alexander  with 
his  interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  so  a 
little  distance  from  the  house,  and  then  understood 
what  commission  the  major  had  received  concerning 
him.  The  proud  Sachem  fell  into  a  raging  passion  at 
this  surprise,  saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to 
credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  him  in  such  a  way,  nor 
would  he  go  to  Plimouth,  but  when  he  saw  cause.  It 
was  replied  to  him,  that  his  breach  of  word  touching 
apoearance  at  Plimouth  court,  and,  instead  thereof 
going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies, 
augmented  jealousies  concerning  him.  In  fine,  the 
major  told  him,  that  his  order  was  to  bring  him  to 
Plimouth,  and  that,  by  the  help  of  God,  he  would  do 
it,  or  else  he  would  die  on  the  place  ;  also  declaring  to 
him  that  if  he  would  submit,  he  might  expect 
respective  usage,  but  if  he  once  more  denied  to  go, 
he  should  never  stir  from  the  ground  whereon  he  stood  ; 
and  with  a  pistol  at  the  Sachem's  breast,  required  that 
his  next  words  should  be  a  positive  and  clear 

*  Within  G  miles  of  the  English  towns.  Hubbard,  10 
(Edition,  1G77.J  Massasoit,  and  like  wise  Philip,  used  to  have 
temporary  residences,  in  eligible  places  for  fishing,  at  various 
cites  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  and  Massachusetts, 
as  at  Raynham,  Namasket,  Titicut,  [in  Middleborough]  and 
Munponset  pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of  these  places  he 
was,  we  cannot  with  certainty  decide  ;  that  at  Halifax,  would, 
perhaps,  agree  best  with  Mr.  Hubbard's  account. 

t  Eighty,  says  Hubbard ;  6. 


ALEXANDER.  15 

answer  to  what  was  demanded.  Hereupon  his  inter 
preter,  a  discreet  Indian,  brother  to  John  Sausaman,* 
being  sensible  of  Alexander's  passionate  disposition, 
entreated  that  he  might  speak  a  few  words  to  the 
Sachem  before  he  gave  his  answer.  The  prudent 
discourse  of  this  Indian  prevailed  so  far  ..as  that 
Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that  he  might 
go  like  a  Sachem,  with  his  men  attending  him,  which, 
although  there  was  some  hazard  in  it,  they  being  many, 
and  the  English  but  a  few,  was  granted  to  him.  The 
weather  being  hot,  tyc  major  offered  him  an  horse  to 
ride  on,  but  his  squaw  and  divers  Indian  women  being 
in  company,  he  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on  foot  aa 
well  as  they,  entreating  only  that  there  might  be  a  com 
plying  with  their  pace,  which  was  done.  And  resting 
several  times  by  the  way,  Alexander  and  his  Indians 
•were  refreshed  by  the  English.  No  other  discourse 
happening  while  they  were  upon  their  march,  but 
what  was  pleasant  and  amicable.  The  major  sent  a 
man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates 
of  that  colony  as  could,  would  meet  at  Duxbury. 
Wherefore  having  there  had  some  treaty  with  Alexander, 
not  willing  to  commit  him  to  prison,  they  entreated 
major  Winslow  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the 
governor,  who  then  lived  at  Eastham,  could  come  up. 
Accordingly  he  and  his  train  were  .courteously  enter 
tained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an 
angry  word  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Marshfield  ; 
yet  .proud  Alexander,  vexing  and  fretting  in  his  spirit, 
that  such  a  check  -was  given  him,  he  suddenly  fell  *ick 
of  a  fever.  He  was  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend. 
Mr.  Fuller,  the  physician,  coming  providentially  thith 
er  at  that  time,  the  Sachem  and  his  men  earnestly 
desired  that  he  would  administer  to  him,  which  he 
was  unwilling  to  do,  but  by  their  importunity  was  pro- 


16  ALEXANDER, 

Vailed  with  to  do  the  best  he  could  to  help  him,  and 
therefore  gave  him  a  portion  of  working  physic,  which 
the  Indians  thought  did  him  good.  But  his  distemper 
afterwards  prevailing,  they  entreated*  to  dismiss  him, 
in  order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement  of 
appearance  at  the  next  court  was  granted  to  him. 
Soon  after  his  being  returned  home  he  died." 

Thus  ends  Dr.  Mather's  "relation"  of  the  short 
reign  of  Alexander.  And  although  by  a  document 
lately  published  Jby  Judge  Davis  of  Boston,  which 
sets  the  conduct  of  the  English  ?Jh  a  very  favorable 
light,  yet  it  is  very  difficult  to  conceive  how  Mr.  Mather 
and  Mr.  Hubbard  could  have  been  altogether  deceived 
in  their  information.  They  both  wrote  at  the  same 
time,  and  at  different  places,  and  neither  knew  what 
the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confident,  if, 
as  we  are  assured,  there  was  at  this  time,  rather  a 
misunderstanding  between  these  two  reverend  authors. 

It  now  only  remains  that  we  make  such  extracts 
from  the  above  mentioned  document,  as  will  exhibit 
all  the  evidence  on  the  side  of  the  English.  I  recol 
lect  ^to  have  seen  in  the  Library  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  a  manuscript  paper  headed  "  Nara~ 
live  de  Alexandra"  This  paper  contains  an  account 
of  this  transaction,  drawn  up  by  the  authorities  of 
Plymouth,  and  Mr.  Mather's  and  Mr.  Hubbard 's  ac 
counts  are  the  substance  of  it.  As  the  affair  had 
caused  much  excitement,  and,  judging  from  the  writers 
of  that  time,  particularly  the  latter,  some  recrimination 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  government  of  Plymouth,  by 
some  of  the  English  who  were  more  in  the  habit  of 

*  "  Entreating  those  that  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might 
have  liberty  to  return  home,  promising  to  return  again  if  he 
recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  hostage  till  he  could  so  do. 
On  that  consideration  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before 
he  got  half  way  home,"— Hubbard. 


ALEXANDER.  17 

using,  or  recommending  mild  measures,  than  they 
appear  to  have  been.  After  thus  premising,  we  will 
offer  the  document,  which  is  a  letter  written  by  the 
Rev.  John  Cotton  of  Plimouth,  to  Dr.  /.  Mather,  and 
now  printed  by  Judge  Davis  in  his  edition  of  Morton's 
Memorial,  426-7.  There  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the 
Editor  gives  none ;  but  if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one 
from  Mr.  Mather  to  him,  desiring  information  on  that 
head,  dated  21st  April,  1677,*  we  may  conclude  it  waa 
about  this  time  ;  but  Mr.  Mather's  "  Relation"  would  not 
lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  such 
information,  and  therefore  he  either  was  not  in  pos 
session  of  it,  when  he  published  his  account,  or  that 
he  had  other  testimony  which  invalidated  it. 

The  letter  begins,"  Major  Bradford  [who  was  with  Mr. 
Wirislow  when  Alexander  was  surprised]  confidently 
assures  me,  that  in  the  narrative  de  Alexandra,  there 
are  many  mistakes,  and  fearing  lest  you  should  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject, 
from  his  mouth  I  this  write.  Reports  being  here,  that 
Alexander  was  plotting  or  privy  to  plots  against  the 
English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  come  down.  He 
came  not.  Whereupon  major  Winslow  was  sent  to 
fetch  him.  Major  Bradford  with  some  others  went 
with  him.  At  Munponset  river,  a  place  not  many 
miles  hence,  they  found  Alexander  with  about  8  men, 
and  sundry  squaws.  He  was  there  about  getting 
canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at  breakfast  under 
their  shelter,  their  guns  being  without.  They  saw  the 
English  coming,  but  continued  eating ;  and  Mr.  Wins- 
low  telling  their  business,  Alexander,  freely  arid  readily, 
without  the  least  hesitancy  consented  to  go,  giving  his 
reason  why  he  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz: 
because  he  waited  for  captain  Willefs  return  from  the 

*  See  his  Memorial,  288. 


18  AMOS. 

Dutch,  being  desirous  to  speak  with  him  first.  They 
brought  him  to  Mr.  Collier's  that  day,  and  governor 
Prince  living  remote,  at  Eastham,  those  few  magistrates 
who  were  at  hand,  issued  the  matter  peaceably,  and 
immediately  dismissed  Alexander  to  return  home,  which 
he  did  part  of  the  way  ;  but  in  two  or  three  days  after, 
he  returned  and  went  to  major  Winslow's  house; 
intending  thence  to  travel  into  the  bay  and  so  home  ; 
but  at  the  major's  house  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and 
was,  by  water,  conveyed  to  major  Bradford's,  and 
thence  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  men  to 
Tethquet  river,  and  thence  in  canoes,  home,  and  about 
two  or  three  days  after  died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  error  some  where, 
and  it  would  be  very  satisfactory,  if  we  could  erase  it 
from  our  history  ;  but  at  present  we  are  able  only  to 
agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  of  docu 
ments,  before  Alexander's  true  history  can  be  given ;  and 
to  suspend  judgment,  although  some  may  readily  decide 
that  the  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  old  printed  ac 
counts.  It  is  the  business  of  an  historian,  where  a 
point  is  in  dispute,  to  exhibit  existing-  evidence,  and 
let  the  reader  make  up  his  own  judgment. 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  upon 
this  head,  to  limit  the  time  of  his  Sachemship  to  a 
portion  of  the  year  1662.  In  this  year  his  father 
died. 

»£ut0$9  (captain.)  One  of  the  friendly  Indians  who 
accompanied  col.  Church  in  his  first  expedition  upon  the 
eastern  coast  of  Maine,  in  1689.  He  was  probably 
from  some  part  of  Cape  Cod.  It  was  in  September 
that  the  Indian  and  English  forces  arrived  before 
Casco,  now  Portland.  They  landed  their  men  the 
same  night  with  secrecy,  having  learned  that  a  great 
number  of  the  enemy  were  near  by  and  about  to  fall 


ANDEEW-  19 

upon  the  town.  The  next  day,  being  21st  September, 
some  companies  were  sent  out,  which  soon  fell  in  with 
about  400  Indians,  as  they  judged.  A  fight  followed, 
in  which  eight  of  the  English  were  killed  and  many 
more  wounded.  Two  of  captain  Amos1  men  were 
badly  wounded.  A  friendly  Indian  by  the  name  of 
Sam  Moses  was  killed.  The  sudden  attack  upon  the 
enemy  here  at  this  time,  when  they,  no  doubt,  felt 
perfectly  secure,  so  disconcerted  their  plans,  that  they 
drew  off  without  making  any  further  attempts. 

An  Indian  company  under  captain  Daniel  was  also 
in  this  fight,  one  of  whose  men  was  killed.  He  was 
of  Yarmouth.* 

•MndrcW)  A  sufferer  in  the  great  Indian  war. 
He  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  and  had  gone 
some  months  before  the  war  began  on  a  hunting 
voyage  towards  the  lakes.  Returning,  he  fell  among 
the  enemy  Indians  about  Quabaog,  where  it  appears 
he  was  at  the  time  captains  Hutchinson  and  Wheeler 
were  attacked  at  Wikkabaug  pond. 

We  have  no  evidence  that  he  took  any  part  with 
the  enemy,  and  it  is  probable  ho  only  remained  with 
them  while  a  good  opportunity  ol  escape  to  his  frixends 
presented ;  for  soon  after  he  was  met  with  in  the 
woods  near  Marlborough  by  some  Christian  Indian 
scouts,  with  whom  he  returned  to  that  place.  The 
English  soldiers  there  stationed,  accused  him  of  aiding 
in  the  affair  of  Quabaog,  and  without  any  orders,  shot 
him.  The  English  authorities  were  displeased  at  this 
precipitate  step ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  general 
consternation  of  the  English  on  account  of  the  success 
of  the  enemy,  they  had  no  doubt  been  dealt  with  as 
they  deserved.  But  the  common  enemy  now  so  en 
grossed  all  consideration,  criminals  at  home  escaped 

*  Manuscript  letter  of  Captain  Basset,  of  the  expedition. 


30  ANNAWOW. 

without  their  reward.  Provided  he  had  been  guilty, 
much  valuable  information  relative  to  the  enemy  might 
have  been  obtained  before  his  execution.* 

•frftdreW)  brother  of  the  preceding,  was  in  com 
pany  with  him  when  he  was  taken,  and  was  sold  into 
slavery,  out  of  the  country. 

•tlndreW)  known  also  by  the  name  of  Pooky  John, 
lived  in  the  vicinity  of  Amesbury  upon  the  Merrimack, 
in  1677.  He  belonged  to  a  small  party  of  about  20, 
who  made  daily  inroads  upon  the  inhabitants  about 
in  this  quarter.  As  this  party  were  led  by  one  Symon, 
the  particulars  will  be  found  under  that  head.* 

•JMnnaWOn,  a  Wampanoag,  and  one  of  Philip's 
most  famous  captains.  The  first  notice  we  have  of 
him  is  at  the  fight  when  Philip  was  killed.  He  was 
his  fast  friend,  and  fought  with  desperation  as  long  as 
there  was  a  beam  of  hope ;  when  he  gave  himself  up, 
it  was  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  appear  in  the 
following  account. 

At  the  swamp  when  Philip  was  killed,  he  escaped 
with  most  of  his  men,  by  his  thoroughly  understanding 
the  situation  of  his  enemies.  "  Perceiving  they  were 
way-laid  on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  Jacked  short 
about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be  a  great 
surly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  often 
called  out,  I-oo-tash,  I-oo-tash.  Captain  Church  called 
to  his  Indian  Peter,  and  asked  him  who  that  was  that 
called  so.  He  answered  that  it  was  old  Annawon^ 
Philip's  great  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to'  stand 
to  it,  and  fight  stoutly." 

»  Captain  Church  had  been  but  little  while  at   Pli- 

mouth,  [after  killing  Philip]  before  a  post  from  Reho- 

•  both  came  to  inform  the    governor,  that  old  Jlnnawon^ 

Philip's  chief  captain,  was  with  his  company  ranging 

*  Manuscript  documents. 


ANNAWON.  21 

about  their  woods,  and  was  very  offensive  and  perni 
cious  to  Rehoboth  and  Swanzey.  Captain  Church  was 
immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with  to  engage 
in  one  expedition  more.  He  told  them  their  encour 
agement  was  so  poor,  he  feared  his  soldiers  would  be 
dull  about  going  again.  But  being  a  hearty  friend  to 
the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jabez  Howland, 
his  old  Lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers  that  used 
to  go  out  with  him  ;  told  them  how  the  case  was 
circumstanced,  and  that  he  had  intelligence  of  old 
Jlnnaivon's  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt 
him.  They  did  not  want  much  entreating,  but  told 
him  they  would  go  with  him  as  long  as  there  was  an 
Indian  left  in  the  woods.  He  moved  and  ranged 
through  the  woods  to  Pocasset." 

In  the  early  part  of  this  expedition,  some  of  cap 
tain  Church's  Indian  scouts  captured  a  number  of 
Annaworfs  company,  but  from  whom  they  could  learn 
nothing  of  the  old  chief,  only  that  he  did  not  lodge 
"  twice  in^  a  place." 

"  Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  captain  Church 
had  gained  over  to  be  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he  might 
have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his  father,  who,  he  said, 
was  about  four  miles  from  that  place  in  a  swamp,  with 
no  other,  than  a  young  squaw.  Captain  Church  in 
clined  to  go  with  him,  thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way 
to  gain  some  intelligence  of  Jlnnawon ;  and  so  taking 
one  Englishman  and  a  few  Indians  with  him,  leaving 
the  rest  there,  he  went  with  his  new  soldier  to  look  his 
father.  When  he  came  to  the  swamp,  he  bid  the  In 
dian  go  and  see  if  he  could  find  his  father.  He  was 
no  sooner  gone,  but  captain  Church  discovered  a  track 
coming  down  out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and 
his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on  one  side  of  the 
track,  and  some  on  the  other.  They  heard  the  Indian 
2 


22  ANNAWON. 

soldier  making  a  howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length 
somebody  answered  him  ;  but  while  they  were  listen 
ing,  they  thought  they  heard  somebody  coming  towards 
them.  Presently  they  saw  an  old  man  coming  up, 
with  a  gun  on  his  shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  fol 
lowing  in  the  track  which  they  lay  by.  They  let  them 
come  ^between  them,  and  then  started  up  and  laid  hold 
of  them  both.  Captain  Church  immediately  examined 
them  apart,  telling  them  what  they  must  trust  to,  if  they 
told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young  woman  what 
company  they  came  from  last.  She  said,  from  cap 
tain  Annaworfs.  He  asked  her  how  many  were  in 
company  with  him  when  she  left  him.  She  said  '  fifty 
or  sixty.'  He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it  was  to  the 
place  where  she  left  him.  She  said  she  did  not  un 
derstand  miles,  but  he  was  up  in  Squannaconk  swamp. 
The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Philip's  Council, 
upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account." 
On  being  asked  whether  they  could  get  there  that 
night,  answered,  "if  we  go  presently,  and  travel 
stoutly,  we  may  get  there  by  sunset."  The  old  man 
said  he  was  of  Jlnnawori's  company,  and  that  Anna- 
won  had  sent  him  down  to  find  some  Indians  that 
were  gone  down  into  Mount  Hope  neck  to  kill  provi 
sions.  Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  compa 
ny  were  all  his  prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his 
father,  now  returned  with  him  and  another  man. 
Captain  Church  was  now  at  great  loss  what  he  should 
do.  He  was  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportu 
nity  of  giving  a  finishing  blow  to  the  Indian  power. 
He  had,  as  himself  says,  but  "half  a  dozen  men 
beside  himself,"  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity  of 
sending  some  one  back  to  give  Lieutenant  Howland, 
whom  he  left  at  the  old  fort  in  Pocasset,  notice,  if  he 


ANNAWON.  23 

should  proceed.  But  without  wasting  time  in  ponder- 
ing  upon  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  question 
to  his  men,  "  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with 
him  and  give  Annawon  a  visit."  All  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  but  reminded  him,  "  that  they  knew  this 
captain  Annawon  was  a  great  soldier ;  that  he  had 
been  a  valiant  captain  under  Asuhmequin,  Philip's 
father;  and  that  he  had  been  Philip's  chieftain  all 
this  war."  And  they  further  told  captain  Church,  (and 
these  men  knew  him  well,)  that  he  was  "  a  very  subtle 
man,  of  great  resolution,  and  had  often  said,  that  he 
would  never  be  taken  alive  by  the  English." 

They  also  reminded  him  that  those  with  Anna- 
won  were  "  resolute  fellows,  some  of  Philip's  chief 
soldiers,"  and  very  much  feared  that  to  make  the  at 
tempt  with  such  a  handful  of  soldiers,  would  be 
hazardous  in  the  extreme.  But  nothing  could  shake 
the  resolution  of  captain  Church,  who  remarked  to 
them,"  that  he  had  a  longtime  sought  for  Annawon,  but 
in  vain,"  and  doubted  not  in  the  least,  but  providence 
would  protect  them.  All  with  consent  now  desired  to 
proceed. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Cook,  belonging  to  Plimouth, 
was  the  only  Englishman  in  the  company,  except  the 
captain.  Captain  Church  asked  Mr.  Cook  what  his 
opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.  He  made  no  other 
reply  than  this,  "  I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where 
when  you  are  with  me."  The  Indian  who  brought 
in  his  father,  informed  captain  Church  that  it  was  im 
possible  for  him  to  take  his  horse  with  him,  which  he 
had  brought  thus  far.  He  therefore  sent  him  and  his 
father  with  the  horse  back  to  Lieutenant  Howland,  and 
ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take  his  prisoners  immedi 
ately  to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next  morn 
ing  in  the  Rehoboth  road,  where,  if  alive,  he  hoped 
to  meet  him. 


24  ANNAWON. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the 
journey.  Captain  Church  turned  to  the  old  man, 
whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman,  and  asked  him 
whether  he  would  be  their  pilot.  He  said,  "  You  hav 
ing  given  me  my  life,  I  am  under  obligations  to  serve 
you."  And  they  marched  for  Squannaconk.  In  lead 
ing  the  way,  this  old  man  would  travel  so  much  faster 
than  the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight, 
and  consequently  might  have  escaped  without  fear  of 
being  recaptured,  but  he  was  true  to  his  word,  and 
would  stop  until  the  wearied  followers  came  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamps  and  thickets  un 
til  the  sun  was  setting,  the  pilot  ordered  a  stop.  The 
captain  asked  him  if  he  had  made  any  discovery. 
He  said,  "About  that  hour  of  the  day  Jlnnawon  usual 
ly  sent  out  his  scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and 
as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow  dark  the  scouts  returned, 
and  then  we  may  move  securely."  When  it  was  suf 
ficiently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed,  capt. 
Church  asked  the  old  man  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and 
fight  for  him.  He  bowed  very  low  and  said,  "I  pray 
you  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  me,  as  to  fight 
against  capt.  Jlnnawon^  my  old  friend,  but  I  will  go  along 
with  you,  and  be  helpful  to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on 
any  man  that  shall  offer  to  hurt  you."  They  had  pro 
ceeded  but  a  short  space,  when  they  heard  a  noise, 
which  they  concluded  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar. 
This  warned  them  that  they  were  in  the  vicinity  of 
Annawon's  retreat.  And  here  it  will  be  very  proper  to 
give  a  description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in  the  south 
easterly  corner  of  Rehoboth,  about  8  miles  from  Taun- 
ton  green,  a  few  rods  from  the  road  which  leads  to 
Providence,  and  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  it.  If  a 
straight  line  were  drawn  from  Taunton  to  Providence, 
it  would  pass  very  nearly  over  this  place.  Within  the 


ANNAWON.  25 

limits  of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  3000  acres, 
there  is  a  small  piece  of  upland,  separated  from  the 
main  only  by  a  brook,  which  in  some  seasons  is  dry. 
This  island,  as  we  may  call  it,  is  nearly  covered  with 
an  enormous  rock,  which  to  this  day  is  called  Anna- 
worfs  rock.  Its  southeast  side  presents  an  almost  per 
pendicular  precipice,  and  rises  to  the  height  of  25  or 
30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping,  and  easy 
of  ascent,  being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or 
40°.  A  more  gloomy  and  hidden  recess  than  this, 
even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer  waves 
ove?  it,  could  hardly  be  found  by  any  inhabitant  of  the 
wilderness. 

"  And  here  forlorn  and  lost  I  tread 

With  fainting  ^teps  end  slow, 
Where  wilds  immeasureably  spread, 

Seem  lengthening  as  I  go." 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  the  rock,  capt. 
Church,  with  two  of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the 
top  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  see  distinctly  the 
situation  of  the  whole  company,  by  the  light  of  their 
fires.  They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged 
a  short  distance  from  one  another.  Annawori's  camp 
was  formed  by  felling  a  tree  against  the  rock,  with 
bushes  set  up  on  each  side.  With  him  lodged  his 
son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.  Their  guns 
were  discovered  standing,  and  leaning  against  a  stick 
resting  on  two  crotches,  safely  covered  from  the 
weather  by  a  mat.  Over  their  fires  were  pots  and 
kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  spits. 
Capt.  Church  was  now  at  some  loss  how  to  proceed, 
seeing  no  possibility  of  getting  down  the  rock  with 
out  discovery,  which  would  have  been  fatal.  He 
therefore  creeps  silently  back  again  to  the  foot  of  the 
rock,  and  asked  the  old  man,  their  pilot,  if  there  were 


26  ANNAWON. 

no  other  way  of  coming  at  them.  He  answered. 
"  No,"  and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belonging 
to  the  company  were  ordered  to  come  that  way,  and 
none  could  come  any  other  without  danger  of  being 
shot. 

The  fruitful  mind  of  Church  was  no  longer  at  loss, 
and  the  following  stratagem  was  put  in  successful 
practice.  He  ordered  the  old  man  and  the  young  wo 
man  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  bas 
kets  upon  their  backs,  which,  when  Annawon  should 
discover  them,  would  take  no  alarm,  knowing  them  to 
be  those  he  had  lately  sent  forth  upon  discovery. 
"  Capt.  Church  and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down 
also,  under  the  shadow  of  those  two  and  their  bas 
kets.  The  captain  .himself  crept  close  behind  the  old 
man,  with  his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over 
the  young  man's  head  to  the  arms.  The  young  Anna- 
won  discovering  him,  whipped  his  blanket  over  his 
head,  and  shrunk  up  in  a  heap.  The  old  captain 
Jlnnawon  started  up  on  his  breech,  and  cried  out  "  Ho- 
woh .'"  which  signified  "  I  am  taken."  All  hope  of  es-- 
cape  was  now  fled  forever,  and  he  made  no  effort,  but 
laid  himself  down  again  in  perfect  silence,  while 
his  captors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.  For  he 
supposed  the  English  were  far  more  numerous  than 
they  were,  and  before  he  was  undeceived  his  company 
were  all  secured. 

One  circumstance  much  facilitated  this  daring  pro 
ject.  It  has  been  before  mentioned  that  they  heard  the 
pounding  of  a  mortar,  on  their  approach.  This  con 
tinued  during  their  descent  down  the  rock.  A  squaw 
was  pounding  green  dried  corn  for  their  supper,  and 
when  she  ceased  pounding  to  turn  the  corn,  they 
ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded  again  they 
moved.  This  was  the  reason  they  were  not  heard  as 


ANNAWOJS*.  27 

they  lowered  themselves  down,  from  crag  to  crag, 
supported  by  small  bushes  that  grew  from  the  seams 
of  the  rock.  The  pounded  corn  served  afterwards  for 
a  supper  to  the  captors. 

Annawon  would  not  have  been  taken  at  this  time 
but  for  the  treachery  of  those  of  his  own  company. 
And  well  may  their  Lucan  exclaim  as  did  the  Roman, 

"A  race  renowned  the  world's  victorious  lords, 
Turned  on  thousands  with  their  own  hostile  swords.' 

******* 

Of  all  the  woes  which  civil  discords  bring, 
And  Rome  o'ercome  by  Roman  arms  I  sing." 

The  two  companies  situated  at  a  short  distance  from 
the  rock,  knew  not  the  fate  of  their  captain,  until 
those  sent  by  Church  announced  to  them  that  they 
were  all  prisoners.  And  to  prevent  their  making  re 
sistance,  were  told  that  capt.  Church  had  encompassed 
them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resistance  would 
be  immediate  death  ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peacea 
bly,  they  should  have  good  quarter.  "  Now  they  being 
old  acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations,"  readi 
ly  consented  ;  delivering  up  their  guns  and  hatchets, 
were  all  conducted  to  head  quarters. 

"  Things  being  thus  far  settled,  captain  Church  ask 
ed  Jlnnawon  what  he  had  for  supper,  '  for,'  said  he, 
« I  am  come  to  sup  with  you.'  "  Jlnnawon  replied, 
"  Taubut,"  with  a  majestic  voice,  and  looking  around 
upon  his  women,  ordered  them  to  hasten  and  provide 
capt.  Church  and  his  company  some  supper.  He  ask 
ed  capt.  Church  "  whether  he  wo'uM  eat  cow  beef  or 
horse  beef."  He  said  he  would  prefer  cow  beef.  It 
was  soon  ready,  which  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  he 
brought  in  his  pocket,  he  made  a  good  meal.  And 
here  it  should  be  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (which 
Church  carried  in  his  pocket)  was  the  only  provision  he 
took  with  him  upon  this  expedition. 


*0  ANNAWxON. 

When  supper  was  over  capt.  Church  set  his  men  to 
watch,  telling  them  that  if  they  would  let  him  sleep 
two  hours  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of  the  night, 
he  not  having  slept  any  for  36  hours  before  ;  but  after 
laying  a  half  hour,  and  no  disposition  to  sleep  came, 
from  the  momentous  cares  upon  his  mind,  for 
"The  dead  alone,  in  such  a  night  can  rest;" 
he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  posts,  but 
they  were  all  fast  asleep.  Jlnnawon  felt  no  more  like 
sleeping  than  Church,  and  they  lay  for  some  time  look 
ing  one  upon  the  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  Jlnna 
won,  because  he  could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought 
Annawon  could  not  speak  English,  but  it  now  appear 
ed  that  he  could,  from  a  conversation  they  held  to 
gether.  Church  had  laid  down  with  Jlnnawon  to  pre 
vent  his  escape,  of  which  however  he  did  not  seem 
much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  considerable 
time,  Jlnnawon  got  up  and  walked  away  out  of  sight, 
which  Church  considered  was  on  a  common  occasion. 
But  being  gone  some  time,  "he  began  to  suspect 
some  ill  design."  He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns 
close  to  himself,  and  lay  as  close  as  he  possibly  could 
under  young  Jlnnawon's  side,  that  if  a  shot  should  be 
made  at  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  of  young  Jln 
nawon  also.  After  laying  a  while  in  great  suspense, 
he  saw  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  Annawon  coming 
with  something  in  his  hands.  When  he  had  got  to 
captain  Church  he  knelt  down  before  him,  and  after 
presenting  him  what  he  had  brought,  spoke  in  English 
as  follows.  "  Great  captain,  you  have  killed  Philip, 
and  conquered  his  country.  For  I  believe  that  I  and 
my  company  are  the  last  that  war  against  the  Eng 
lish,  so  suppose  the  war  is  ended  by  your  means,  and 
therefore  these  things  belong  unto  you."  He  then 
took  out  of  his  pack  a  beautifully  wrought  belt,  which 


ANNAWON.  55'J 

belonged  to  Philip.  It  was  nine  inches  in  breadth, 
and  of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the  shoulders 
of  capt.  Church,  reached  to  his  ancles.  ,  This  was  con 
sidered  at  that  time  of  great  value,  being  embroidered 
all  over  with  money,  that  is  wampampeag,*  of  various 
colors,  curiously  wrought  into  figures  of  birds,  beasts 
and  flowers.  A  second  belt  of  no  less  exquisite 
workmanship,  was  next  presented,  which  belonged 
also  to  Philip.  This,  that  chief  used  to  ornament  his 
head  with.  From  the  back  part  of  which  flowed  two 
flags,  which  decorated  his  back.  A  third  was  a  small 
er  one,  with  a  star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore 
upon  his  breast.  All  three  were  edged  with  red  hair, 
which  Jlnnawon  said  was  got  in  the  country  of  the 
Mohawks.  These  belts,  or  some  of  them,  it  is  believ 
ed  remain  at  this  day,  the  property  of  a  family  in 
Swanzey.  He  next  took  from  his  pack  two  horns  of 
glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it  ap 
pears,  were  all  of  the  effects  of  the  great  chief.  He 
told  capt.  Church  that  those  were  Philip's  royalties, 
which  he  was  wont  to  adorn  himself  with,  when  he 
sat  in  state,  and  he  tho't  himself  happy  in  having  an 
opportunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  discourse, 
in  which  Annawon  "  gave  an  account  of  what  migh 
ty  success  he  had  had  formerty  in  wars  against  many 
nations  of  Indians,  when  he  'served  Asuhmequin,  Phil 
ip's  father. 

Morning  being  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for 
Taunton.  In  the  way  they  met  Lieutenant  Howland, 
according  to  appointment,  at  his  no  small  surprise. 
They  lodged  at  Taunton  that  night.  The  next  day 
"  capt.  Church  took  old  Jlnnawon,  and  half  a  dozen 

*An  Iroquois  word,  signifying  a  muscle.  Gordon's  Hist, 
Pennsylvania,  page  598. 


30 


APANNOW. 


Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own  men,  and  went  to  Rhode 
Island ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Plimouth,  under  Lieut. 
Howland. 

Not  long  after  this,  toyhe  great  grief  of  capt. 
Church,  Jlnnawon  was  beheaded  at  Plimouth.  It  is 
true  Church  did  not  guarantee  his  life  when  he  surren 
dered,  but  he  had  little  doubt  of  his  being  able  to  save 
him,  knowing  how  much  the  country  was  indebted  to 
him  in  this  war.* 

Jlnnawon,  it  is  said,  confessed  that  he  had  put  to 
death  many  of  the  English,  even  "  ten  in  a  day,"  nor 
did  he  deny  but  he  had  witnessed  some  tortured.f 
His  being  aft  enemy,  ajid  acting  as  such,  were  suffi 
cient  reasons,  with  the  English,  for  putting  him  to 
death  ;  although  the  war  was  now  considered  as  over  ; 
and  it  is  true  that  he  was  excepted  when  pardon  was 
offered  to  those  who  should  surrender  themselves,  still 
his  execution  is  a  dark  item  in  the  page  of  the  history 
of  that  day. 

•MnthOMf/j  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  sent  to 
the  island  in  Boston  harbor  in  Philip's  war.  He  was 
so  instructed  that  he  was  able  to  teach,  and  was  a  kind 
of  minister  among  his  brethren.  After  they  were  lib 
erated  from  thence,  this  Anthony  built  a  large  sort  of 
shelter,  by  some  denominated  a  meeting  house,  in 
which  a  school  was  kept  on  week  days,  and  on 'Sun 
days  discourses  were  delivered  by  Mr.  'Eliot  and  Mr. 
Gookin,  in  the  winter  of  1676.  The  place  of  their 
settlement  was  upon  Charles'  river,  near  Hoanantum 
hill. 

•.ftpanAlOW,  one  of  the  nine  chiefs  who,  on  the 
13th  Sept.  1621,  subscribed  an  instrument  of  Submis- 

*  Thus  far  the  facts  are  mainly  from  the  actor  himself, 
capt.  Church. 
t  This  upon  the  authority  of  Mr.  Hubbard. 


ASCASSASOTICK.  31 

sion  to  king  James.  The  place  of  his  residence  we 
are  unable  to  assign,  but  he  was  one  of  those  subject 
to  Massasoit. 

Mrmhawikwabemt,  chief  Sachem  of  Nor- 
ridgewock.*  In  the  year  1710,  colonel  Walton  visi 
ted  the  eastern  coast  of  N.  England,  with  a  force  of 
170  men.  As  they  were  encamped  upon  an  island, 
the  smoke  of  their  fires  decoyed  some  of  the  enemy 
into  their  hands,  among  whom  was  Arruhawikwabemt. 
"  An  active  bold  fellow,  [says  Penhallow,  page  60,] 
and  one  of  an  undaunted  spirit ;  for  when  they  asked 
him  several  questions  he  made  them  no  reply,  and 
when  they  threatened  him  with  death,  he  laughed  at 
it  with  contempt.  At  which  they  delivered  him  up 
unto  our  friendly  Indians,  who  soon  became  his  exe 
cutioners.  But  when  the  squaw  saw  the  destiny  of 
her  husband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and  freely  dis 
covered  where  each  of  them  encamped."  ! ! !  These 
are  Christian  deeds,  which 

"  Established  violence  and  lawless  might 
Avowed  and  hallowed  by  the  name  of  right." 

*i.!SC<lftfiafsOt.ick,  of  Long  Island,  a  most  war 
like  chief,  who  gave  great  trouble  to  those  more  peace 
ably  inclined,  along  the  coast  of  Long  Island  Sound, 
upon  the  Connecticut  shore,  especially  the  Narragan- 
sets.  In  1654,  this  chief  taking  courage  from  a  confi 
dence  that  the  English  were  his  friends,  made  an  ex 
pedition  into  the  country  of  the  Narragansets,  and 
killed  several  of  the  inhabitants,  subjects  of  Neneku- 
nat.  This  Narraganset  Sachem  sent  messengers  to  the 
English  governors  for  directions,  "  who  sent  him  an 

*  Nerigwok  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  way  of  spell 
ing  this  name,  as  agreeing  best  with  its  orthoepy.  At  least 
with  that  heard  at  the  place  at  this  day  by  elderly  people,  as 
the  writer  can  bear  testimony. 


. 


ASPINET. 

implicit  consent  to  right  hirhself."*     Accordingly  he 
fell  upon  the  Long  Islanders  with  a  body  of  his  war 
riors,  killing  many  and  bringing  away  fourteen  cap 
tives,     "  divers   of  them  chief  women."     When  this 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English  they  interceded 
in  favor  of  Jlscassasotick,  and  Nenekunat  at  once  con 
sented  to  a  peace,  and  gave  up  all  his  prisoners.     Not 
long  after    this  peace,  some  of  Jlscassasotick1  s    men, 
under  a  false  pretence  of  friendship,  pretending  to  vis 
it    the   Narragansets  at     Block     Island,    at  midnight 
fell  upon  them  unexpectedly,  and  slew  about  30  per 
sons  ;  « two  of  them   of  great   note,    especially    We- 
piteammock's  son,  to  whom  Nenekunat  was  uncle."    Ne 
nekunat  now  raised  a  great  army  from  the  inland  coun 
try,  "yet- upon  protestation  of  the  English  against  his 
proceedings,  he    retreated   and   dissolved  his  army." 
Thus  it  appears  that  the  Narragansets  were   entirely 
under  the  direction  of  the  English  at  this  time,  and 
doubtless  with  proper  treatment  would  have  remained 
so.     And  our  record,  above   cited,  bears  us  out  in  this 
conclusion.     "  I  cannot  yet  learn  that  ever  it  pleased 
the  Lord  to  permit  the   Narragansets   to   stain   their 
hands  with  any  English  blood,  neither  in  open  hostili 
ty  nor  secret   murders,  as  both  Pequot  and  Long  Isl 
anders   did,  and  Monhiggins  also  in   the  Pequot  wars. 
'Tis  true  they  are  barbarians,  but  their  greatest  offence 
against  the  English  have  been  matters  of  money,  or 
petit  revengings  of  themselves  on  some  Indians  upon 
extreme  provocations,  but  God  hath  kept  them  clear 
of  our  blood." 

•flLspinet 7  Sachem  of  Nauset,  (now  included  in 
the  township  of  Eastham,  upon  Cape  Cod.)  He  was 
known  to  the  people  of  Plimouth  as  early  as  July, 
1621,  At  which  time  the  English  had  great  cause, 

*  Manuscript  of  R.  Williams, 


ASPIJfET. 


33 


ever  after,  to  treat  him  with  attention  and  kindness. 
About  this  time  a  young  lad  by  the  name  of  John  Bil- 
lington,  got  lost  in  the  woods  and  was  found  by  some 
ofAspinet's  people,  and  conveyed  to  him.  He  treated 
him  with  great  kindness,  and  when  the  English  sent 
for  him,  gave  him  up,  and  entertained  them  courteous 
ly.  "  Ere  we  came  to  Nauset(says  a  writer  of  that 
day)  the  day  and  tide  were  almost  spent ;  insomuch 
as  we  could  not  go  in  with  our  shallop  :  but  the  Sa 
chem  of  Cummaquid,  (now  port  of  Barnstable  and 
Yarmouth)  went  ashore,  and  his  men  with  him.  We 
also  sent  Tisquamtum  to  tell  Jlspinet,  the  Sachem  of 
Nauset,  wherefore  we  came.  After  sunset  Aspinet 
came  with  a  great  train  and  brought  the  boy  with 
him,  one  bearing  him  through  the  water.  He  had  not 
less  than  an  hundred  with  him,  the  half  whereof  came 
to  the  shallop's  side,  unarmed,  with  him ;  the  other 
half  stood  aloof  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  There 
he  delivered  us  the  boy,  behung  with  beads,  and  made 
peace  with  us,  we  bestowing  a  knife  on  him,  and  like 
wise  on  another  that  first  entertained  the  boy  and 
brought  him  thither.  So  they  departed  from  us." 

In  the  winter  of  1622,  when  Mr.  Westorfs  men  saw 
nothing  but  famine  before  them,  and  indeed  those  of 
Plimouth  were  but  very  little  better  off,  these  two 
companies  obtained  of  Jlspinet  and  his  people,  by  pur 
chase,  eight  or  ten  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans, 
which  seemed  their  only  relief  from  starvation.  Capt. 
Standish  conducted  the  English  in  this  trading  expedi 
tion,  and  but  for  the  good  nature  of  ^spinet  there 
would  have  been  some  trouble  on  account  of  a  few 
trifling  articles  which  his  men  pilfered  from  the  Eng 
lish  ;  who  were  a  hundred  times  more  in  fault  for  leav 
ing  their  trinkets  exposed,  than  these  uninformed  peo 
ple  for  taking  them.  But  instead  of  viewing  it  in  this 
3 


34  AWASHONKS. 

light,  the  captain  threatened  vengeance  to  his  nation, 
if  either  the  articles  or  those  who  took  them  were  not 
immediately  delivered.  Jlspinet  without  taking  any 
offence,  laboured  diligently  until  every  thing  was  re 
stored.  He  then  took  the  captain's  hand  and  knelt 
down,  and  with  his  tongue  licked  it  all  over ;  this 
being  their  method  of  salutation.  He  expressed  great 
satisfaction  in  being  able  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the 
English  chief,  and  they  parted  with  cordiality.  Not 
long  after  this,  it  was  reported  that  Aspinet  and  other 
Sachems  of  that  part  of  the  country  had  plotted  to  fall 
upon  and  kill  all  the  English.  The  English  taking  at 
once  a  prompt  and  salutary  course,  by  exterminating, 
as  they  thought,  the  root  of  the  design,  in  taking  off 
the  head  of  Wittuwamet.  This  so  terrified  ^spinet,  and 
many  others,  that  they  fled  into  swamps,  and  lived  in 
unhealthy  places,  until  many  died  with  diseases  which 
they  had  thus  contracted.  Among  such  victims  were 
Aspinet,  Cunnecum,  and  others. 

•MsqUCMCty  one  «f  the  eleven  Naticks  so  cruelly 
dealt  with  upon  a  suspicion  of  no  foundation.  His 
case  was  the  same  with  Jlcompanet,  which  see. 

see  Massasoit. 

m  female  chief*  of  the  Sogkonates. 
From  the  part  she  acted  in  Philip's  war,  few  deserve* 
a  more  particular  attention.  We  shall,  therefore,  go  as 
minutely  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will  enable 
us. 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  her  is  in    1671,  when 

*  Commonly  called  in  the  histories,  "  squaw  Sachem  of 
Sogkonate."  There  were  several  other  squaw  Sachems,  as 
of  Pocasset  and  Narraganset.  The  terms  snuke,  sunk,  snake, 
&c.  have  been  given  to  the  squaw  Sachems,  owing  to  the 
ignorance  of  writers  of  the  meaning  of  the  term.  Saunks 
was  the  title  or  name  of  a  Sachem's  wife,  in  the  Narraganset 
dialect. 


AWASHONK3.  35 

she  entered  into  articles  of  agreement  with  the  court 
of  Plimouth  as  follows.  "  In  admitting  that  the  court 
are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary 
coming  in  now  at  last,  and  submission  of  herself  unto 
us  ;  yet  this  we  expect  that  she  give  some  meet  satisfac 
tion  for  the  charge  and  trouble  she  has  put  us  upon  by 
her  too  long  standing  out  against  the  many  tenders  of 
peace  we  have  made  to  her  and  her  people.  And 
that  we  yet  see  an  intention  to  endeavor  the  reduce- 
ment  of  such  as  have  been  the  incendiaries  of  the 
trouble  and  disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And 
as  many  of  her  people,  as  shall  give  themselves  and 
arms  unto  us,  at  the  time  appointed,  shall  receive  no 
damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  time  appointed  is  ten 
days  from  the  date  hereof.  Thus  we  may  the  better 
keep  off  such  from  her  lands  as  may  hereafter  bring 
upon  her  and  us  the  'like  trouble,  and  to  regulate  such 
as  will  not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted 
her  lands  to  the  authority  of  the  government.  And 
that  if  the  lands  and  estates  of  such  as  we  are  neces 
sitated  to  take  arms  against,  will  not  defray  the  charge 
of  the  expedition  ;  that  she  shall  bear  some  due  pro 
portion  of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof,  and  in 
testimony  of  the  Sachem,  her  agreement  hereunto, 
she  hath  subscribed  her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel 
Barker  and  John  Almey. 

Mark  ^  of  the,  squaw  Sachem  Jlwasunck. 
The  mark  X  of  Totatomet,  and  Somagaonet" 
Plimouth,  24th  July,  1671. 

Awashonks  was  at  Plimouth  when  the  above  articles 
were  executed,  from  which  it  appears  there  was  con 
siderable  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony.  There  were  about 
this  time  many  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  in  differ- 


36  AWASHONKS. 

ent  places.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from 
Philip,  or  at  least  to  give  a  check  to  their  joining  with 
him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  attacking  the 
English  settlements,  under  a  pretence  of  injury  done 
him  in  his  planting  lands. 

Not  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  subscribed 
articles,  but  all  their  men  that  could  be  prevailed  with 
to  do  so.  The  August  following,  42  of  Jlwashonks 
men  signed  a  paper  approving  what  she  had  done,  and 
binding  themselves  in  like  manner.  Out  of  42  we 
can  give  names  of  three  only ;  Totatomet,  Tunuokum 
and  Sausaman. 

It  appears  from  the  folio-wing  letter  written  by 
•Awashonks  to  gov.  Prince,  that  those  who  submitted 
themselves,  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the  English. 

"August  11,  1671,  Honored  Sir,  I  have  received  a 
very  great  favor  from  your  Honor,  in  yours  of  the  7th 
instant,  and  as  you  are  pleased  to  signify,  that  if  I 
continue  faithful  to  the  agreement  made  with  your 
selves  at  Plimouth,  I  may  expect  all  just  favors  from 
your  Honor.  I  am  fully  resolved,  while  I  live,  with 
all  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagement,  and  in  a  peacea 
ble  submission  to  your  commands,  according  to  the 
best  of  my  poor  ability.  It  is  true,  and  I  am  very 
sensible  thereof,  that  there  are  some  Indians  who  do 
seek  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to  his 
Majesty's  authority  in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being 
conscious  to  myself  of  my  integrity  and  real  intentions 
of  peace,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  afford  me  all  due 
encouragement  and  protection.  I  had  resolved  to 
send  in  all  my  guns,  being  six  in  number,  according 
to  the  intimation  of  my  letter  ;  but  two  of  them  were 
so  large,  the  messengers  were  not  able  to  carry  them. 
I  since  proffered  to  leave  them  with  Mr.  Barker ,  but  he 
not  having  any  order  to  receive  them,  told  me  he  con- 


AWA8HONKS.  37 

ceived  I  might  do  well  to  send  them  to  Mr.  Almy,  who 
is  a  person  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction,  which  I 
resolved  to  do ;  but  since  then  an  Indian,  known  by 
the  name  of  Broad-faced-will,  stole  one  of  them  out  of 
the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  run  away  with  it,  to 
Mount  Hope  ;  the  other  I  think  to  send  to  Mr.  Mmy. 
A  list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to  me,  and,  I  hope, 
and  am  persuaded,  faithful  to  you,  is  here  enclosed. 
Honored  Sir,  I  shall  not  trouble  you  further,  but  de 
siring  your  peace  and  prosperity,  in  which  I  look  at 
my  own  to  be  included.  I  remain,  your  unfeigned 
servant,  ^  AWASU^CKS." 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker, 
named  in  it. 

October  20,  1671,  governor  Prince  wrote  to  Awa- 
shonks,  that  he  had  received  the  list  of  names  ofher  men 
and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  themselves  to  his 
majesty's  authority ;  and  assured  her  that  the  Eng 
lish  would  befriend  her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  in 
timates  her  disappointment,  and  his  own,  that  she  had 
succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of 
her  subjects.  "  Though,"  he  continued,  "  I  fault  not 
you,  with  any  failing  to  endeavor,  only  to  notice  your 
good  persuasions  of  them"  outwent  their  deserts,  for 
aught  yet  appeareth.  I  could  have  wished  they  had 
been  wiser  for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons, 
that  may  probably  succeed  you  in  your  government, 
and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly  tied  unto  you 
by  nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to 
disregard  and  affront  his  majesty's  interest  and  author- 
ity  here  ;  and  the  amity  of  the  English  ?  Certainly 
if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice,  and  wish 
they  would  yet  show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too 
late,'*  He  closed  by  recommending  her  to  send  some 
of  her's  to  the  next  court,  to  desire  their  arms,  that 


AWA3HONKS. 

her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the  ap 
proaching  season.  Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from 
her  and  her  husband.* 

We  hear  no  more   of  Awashonks   until   about  the 
commencement  of  Philip's  war.     The  year  before  this 
war,  Mr.  Benjamin  Church,  afterwards  the  famous  and 
well  known  colonel   Church,  settled  upon  the  peninsu 
la  of  Sogkonate,  in   the   midst  of  Jlivashonks  people. 
This  peninsula  is  on  the  north-east  side  of  Narragan- 
set  bay,  against  the   south-east,  end  of  the   island  of 
Rhode  Island.     Here  he   lived  in   the  greatest   friend 
ship  with   these  Indians,  until   the   spring  of  the  year 
1675,  when  suddenly  a  war  was  talked  of,  and   mes 
sengers   were  sent  by  Philip  to  Awashonks,  to   engage 
her  in  it.     She  so   far  listened   to  their  persuasions  as 
to  call  her  principal  people  together,  and  make  a  great 
dance ;  arid  because  she  respected  Mr.    Church,   she 
sent  privately   for  him  also.      Church  took  with  him  a 
man  that  well  understood  Indian,  and  went  directly  to 
the  place  appointed.     Here  "  they  found  hundreds  of 
Indians  gathered  together  from  all  parts  of  her  do 
minions.     Awashonks    herself  in  a  foaming  sweat  was 
leading  the  dance,"  but  when   it  was  announced  that 
Mr.    Church    was    come,   she  stopped  short,   and    sat 
down  ;  ordered  her  chiefs  into  her  presence,  and  then 
invited  Mr.   Church.     All  being  seated,  she   informed 
him  that  Metacomet,  that  is  Philip,  had  sent  six  of  his 
men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  him  in  prosecuting  a  war 
against  the  English.     She  said  these  messengers  in 
formed  her  that  the  Umpames,  that  is  Plimouth   men, 
were  gathering  a  great  army  to  invade  his  country,  and 
wished  to  know  of  him  if  this  were  truly 'the  case. 
He  told   her  that  it  was   entirely  without  foundation, 
for  he  had  but  just  come  from  Plimouth,  and  no  prep- 

*  Thus  fcr  chiefly  from  Col.  Mas.  His.  Soc. 


AWASHONK6.  39 

arations  of  any  kind  were  making,  nor  did  he  believe 
any  thoughts  of  war  were  entertained  by  any  of  the 
head  men  there.  "  He  asked  her  whether  she  thought 
he  would  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
place,"  if  he  in  the  least  apprehended  a  war  ;  at  which 
she  seemed  somewhat  convinced.  Aivashonks  then  or 
dered  the  six  Pokanokits  into  their  presence.  These 
made  an  imposing  appearance,  having  their  faces  paint 
ed,  and  their  hairs  so  cut  as  to  represent  a  cock's 
comb,  being  all  shaved  from  each  side  of  the  head, 
leaving  only  a  tuft  upon  the  crown,  which  extended 
from  the  forehead  to  the  occiput.  They  had  powder- 
horns  and  shot- bags  at  their  backs,  which  denoted 
warlike  messengers  of  their  nation.  She  now  in 
formed  them  of  what  capt.  Church  had  said.  Upon 
which  they  discovered  dissatisfaction,  and  a  warm  talk 
followed,  but  Awashonks  soon  put  an  end  to  it ;  after 
which  she  told  Mr.  Church  that  Philip  had  told  his  mes 
sengers  to  tell  her,  that  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he 
would  send  over  some  of  his  warriors,  privately,  to 
kill  the  cattle  a,nd  burn  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  they  would  thirrk  to  be  done  by  her  men,  and 
consequently  would  fall  upon  her. 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were 
going  to  do  with  the  bullets  in  their  possession,  to 
which  they  scoffingly  answered,  "to  shoot  pigeons 
with."  Church  then  told  Awashonks  that  if  Philip 
were  resolved  on  war,  "her  best  way  would  be  to 
Iftiock  those  six  Mount  Hopes  on  the  head,  and  shelter 
herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English."  When 
they  understood  this  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is 
to  be  lamented  that  so  worthy  a  man  as  Church  should 
be  the  first  to  recommend  murder,  and  it  is  due  only 
to  the  wisdom  of  Awashonks,  that  his  unadvised  coun 
sel  was  not  put  in  practice. 


40  AWASHONKS, 

These  six  Pokanokets  came  over  to*Sogkonate  with 
two  of  Jlwashonks  men,  who  seemed  very  favourably 
inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip,  They  expressed 
themselves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice 
of  Church*  Another  of  her  men,  called  Little-eyes,  one 
of  her  council,  was  so  enraged  that  he  would  then 
have  taken  Church's  life,  if  he  had  not  been  prevented. 
His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest, 
under  a  pretence  of  private  talk,  and  to  have  assassi 
nated  him  when  he  was  off  his  guard.  But  some  of 
his  friends  seeing  through  the  artifice  prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  part 
which  directed  that  Awashonks  should  immediately  put 
herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English,  and  she 
desired  him  to  go  immediately  and  make  the  arrange 
ment,  to  which  he  agreed.  After  kindly  thanking  him 
for  his  information  and  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her 
men  with  him  to  his  house,  to  guard  him.  These 
urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  least  in  his  absence  the 
enemy  should  come  and  destroy  them  ;  but  he  would 
not,  because  such  a  step  might  be  thought  a  kind  of 
preparation  for  hostilities  ;  but  told  them,  that  in  case 
hostilities  were  begun,  they  might  convey  his  effects 
to  a  place  of  safety.  He  then  proceeded  to  Plimouth, 
where  he  arrived  7th  June,  1675. 

In  his  way  to  Plimouth,  he  met, at  Pocasset,the  hus 
band  of  Weetamore,  commonly  known  by  the  name  of 
squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset.  He  was  just  returned 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  confirmed 
all  that  had  been  said  about  Philip's  intentions  to  be 
gin  a  war. 

But  before  Mr.  Church  could  return  again  to  Jlwa 
shonks,  the  war  commenced,  and  all  communication 
was  at  an  end.  This  was  sorely  regretted  by  Church, 
and  the  benevolent  Jlwashonks  was  carried  away  in 


AWASHONKS. 


„ 


the  tide  of  Philip's  successes,  which  was  her  only  al 
ternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  wounded  at  the  great  Swamp 
fight,  19th  December  following,  and  remained  upon 
Rhode  Island  until  about  the  middle  of  May,' 1676. 
He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and  tak 
ing  passage  in  a  sloop  bound  to  Barnstable,  arrived  at 
Plimouth  the  first  Tuesday  in  June.  The  governor 
and  other  officers  of  government  were  highly  pleased 
to  see  him,  and  desired  him  to  take  the  command  of 
a  company  of  men  to  be  immediately  sent  out,  to 
which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice  Church's  pro 
ceeding,  because  it  led  to  important  matters  connected 
with  the  history  of  Awashonks.  Before  he  set  out 
with  the  soldiers  raised  at  Plimouth,  it  was  agreed 
that  he  should  first  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  other  forces  to  be  joined  with 
them,  In  his  return  to  the  island,  as  he  passed  from 
Sogkonesset,  now  called  Wood's  hole,  to  the  island,  and 
when  he  came  against  Sogkonate  point,  some  of  the 
enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.  He  was 
now  in  an  open  canoe,  which  he  had  hired  at  Sogko- 
nesset,  and  two  Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  ordered  them 
to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might  speak  with  those 
upon  them  ;  being  persuaded  that  if  he  could  have  an 
opportunity,  he  might  still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to 
the  side  of  the  English,  for  he  knew  they  never  had 
any  real  attachment  to  Philip,  and  were  now  in  his 
interest,  only  from  necessity.  They  accordingly  pad 
dled  towards  them,  who  made  signs  for  them  to  ap 
proach  ;  but  when  they  had  got  pretty  near,  they 
skulked  away  among  the  rocks,  and  could  not  be  seen. 
The  canoe  then  paddled  off  again,  lest  they  should  be 
fired  upon  ;  which  when  those  among  the  rocks  ob 
served,  showed  themselves  again,  and  called  to  them 


AWASHONKS. 

to  come  ashore  ;  and  said  they  wished  to  speak  with 
them.  The  Indians  in  the  canoe  answered  them,  but 
those  on  shore  informed  them  that  the  waves  dashed 
so  upon  the  rocks  that  they  could  not  understand  a 
word  they  said.  Church  now  made  signs  for  two  of 
them  to  go  along  upon  the  shore  to  a  beach,  where 
one  could  see  a  good  space  round,  whether  any  others 
were  near.  Immediately  two  ran  to  the  place,  one 
without  any  arms,  but  the  other  had  a  lance.  Know 
ing  Church  to  be  in  the  boat,  they  urged  him  to  come 
on  shore,  for  they  wanted  to  discourse  with  him.  He 
told  him  that  had  the  lance,  that  if  he  would  carry  it 
away  at  considerable  distance,  and  leave  it,  he  would. 
This  he  readily  did.  Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore, 
left  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  the  canoe,  and  the 
other  he  stationed  upon  the  beach  to  give  notice  if 
any  should  approach.  He  was  surprised  to  find  that 
George  was  one  of  them,  a  very  good  man,  and  the 
last  Sogkonate  he  had  spoken  with,  being  one  of  those 
sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to  whom  he  had  given 
charge  of  his  goods  when  he  undertook  his  mission  to 
Plimouth.  On  being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he 
called  him  ashore,  answered,  "  that  he  took  him  for 
Church,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the  canoe, 
and  that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive."  He  also  told 
him  that  Awashonks  was  in  a  swamp  about  3  miles  off, 
and  that  she  had  left  Philip  and  did  not  intend  to  re 
turn  to  him  any  more  ;  and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  stay 
while  he  should  go  and  call  her;  this  he  did  not 
think  prudent,  but  said  he  would  come  again  and 
speak  with  Jlwashonks,  and  some  other  Indians,  that 
he  should  name.  He  therefore  told  George  to  notify 
Jlwashonks,  h'er  son  Peter,  their  chief  captain,  and  one 
Nompash,  to  rr^eet  him  two  days  after  at  a  certain  rock, 
"  at  the  lower  end  of  captain  Richmond's  farm,  which 


,       AWASHONKS.  43 

was  a  very  noted  place."  It  was  provided  that  if  that 
day  should  prove  stormy,  the  next  pleasant  day  should 
be  improved.  They  parted  with  cordiality  ;  George 
to  carry  the  news  to  Jlwashonks,  and  Church  to  New 
port. 

On  being  made  acquainted  with  Church's  intention 
to  visit  these  Indians,  the  government  of  Rhode  Isl 
and  marvelled  much  at  his  presumption,  and  would 
not  give  him  any  permit  under  their  hands ;  assuring 
him  that  the  Indians  would  kill  him.  They  said  also 
that  it  was  madness  on  his  part,  after  such  signal  ser 
vices  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  his  life  in  such  a 
manner.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  al 
ter  his  resolution,  and  he  made  ready  for  his  depar 
ture.  It  was  his  intention  to  have  taken  with  him  one 
Daniel  Wilcox,  a  man  who  well  understood  the  Indian 
language,  but  the  government  utterly  refused  ;  so  that 
his  whole  retinue  in  this  important  embassy,  consisted 
only  of  himself,  his  own  man,  and  the  two  Indians 
who  conducted  him  from  Sogkonesset.  As  an  impor 
tant  item  in  his  outfit,  must  be  mentioned  a  bottle  of 
rum,  and  a  roll  of  tobacco. 

The  day  appointed  having  arrived,  after  paddling 
about  three  miles,  they  came  to  the  stated  rock,  where 
the  Indians  were  ready  to  receive  them,  and  gave  him 
their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back 
from  the  shore  about  fifty  -yards,  for  a  convenient 
place  for  consultation,  when  all  at  once  rose  up  from 
the  high  grass,  a  great  many  Indians,  so  that  they  were 
entirely  encompassed.  They  were  all  armed  with 
guns,  spears  and  hatchets;  faces  painted  and  hairs 
trimmed,  in  complete  warlike  array.  If  ever  a  man 
knew  fear,  we  should  apprehend  it  would  discover  it 
self  upon  an  occasion  like  this.  But  like  Mentor  in 
the  fable,  "  qui  craignoit  Us  maux  avant  qu'il  arriv assent > 


44  AWASHONKS. 

ne  savoit  plus  ce  que  c'etoit  que  de  les  craindre  des  qu'  Us 
etoient  arrives." 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  Church  tqld  Awa- 
shonks  that  George  had  said  that  she  desired  to  see  him, 
about  making  peace  with  the  English.  She  said, 
"  Yes."  Then,  said  Mr.  Church,  "  it  is  customary  when 
people  meet  to  treat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  arms, 
and  not  to  appear  in  such  hostile  form  as  your  people 
do."  He  observed  that  it  would  be  very  proper  for 
her  men  to  lay  aside  their  arms  while  they  discoursed 
of  peace.  At  this  there  was  much  murmuring 
among  them,  and  Awashonks  asked  him  what  arms 
they  should  lay  aside.  Seeing  their  displeasure,  he 
said  only  their  guns  for  forms'  sake.  With  one  con 
sent  they  then  laid  away  their  guns  and  came  and 
sat  down.  He  then  drew  out  his  bottle  of  rum  and 
asked  Awashonks  whether  she  had  lived  up  so  long  at 
Wachusett  as  to  forget  to  drink  occapeches.  Then 
drinking  to  her,  observed  she  watched  him  very  nar 
rowly  to  see  whether  he  swallowed,  and  on  offering  it 
to  her,  she  wished  him  to  drink  again.  He  then  told 
her  there  was  no  poison  in  it,  and  pouring  some  into 
the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it  up.  After  he  had  ta 
ken  a  second  hearty  dram,  Awashonks  ventured  to  do 
likewise  ;  then  passed  it  among  her  attendants.  The 
tobacco  was  next  passed  round,  and  they  began  to 
talk.  Awashonks  wanted  to  know  why  he  had  not 
corne  as  he  promised  the  year  before,  observing,  that 
if  he  had,  she  and  her  people  had  not  joined  with 
Philip.  He  told  her  he  was  prevented  by  the  break 
ing  out  of  the  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an 
attempt,  notwithstanding,  soon  after  he  left  her,  and  got 
as  far  as  Punkatesse,  when  a  multitude  of  enemies  set 
upon  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat.  A  great  mur 
mur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  fierce 


AWASHONKS.  45 

and  gigantic  fellow,  raised  his  war  club,  with  intention 
to  kill  Mr.  Church,  but  some  laid  hold  on  him  and  pre 
vented  him.  They  informed  him  that  this  fellow's 
brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punkateese,  and  that 
he  said  it  was  Church  that  killed  him,  and  he  would 
now  have  his  blood.  Church  told  them  to  tell  him 
that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done  as 
he  had  directed  him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt. 
The  chief  captain  now  ordered  silence,  telling  them 
they  should  talk  no  more  about  old  matters,  which  put 
an  end  to  the  tumult,  and  an  agreement  was  soon  con 
cluded.  Jlwashonks  agreed  to  serve  the  English  "  in 
what  way  she  was  able,"  provided  "  Plimouth  would 
firmly  engage  to  them,  that  they  and  all  of  them,  and 
their  wives  and  children  should  have  their  lives  spared, 
and  none  of  them  transported  out  of  the  country." 
This,  Church  told  her  he  "did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but 
Plimouth  would  consent  to. 

Things  being  thus  matured,  the  chief  captain  stood 
up,  and  after  expressing  the  great  respect  he  had  for 
Mr.  Church,  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  please  accept  of 
me  and  my  men,  and  will  head  us,  we  will  fight  for 
you,  and  will  help  you  to  Philip's  head  before  the  In 
dian  corn  be  ripe."  We  do  not  expect  that  this  chief 
pretended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  cer 
tainly  he  was  a  truer  prophet  than  many  who  have 
made  the  pretension. 

Mr.  Church  would  have  taken  a  few  of  the 
men  with  him,  and  gone  directly  through  the  woods  to 
Plimouth;  but  Awashonks  insisted  that  it  would  be 
very  hazardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the 
island  and  proceed  by  water,  and  so  would  take  in 
some  of  their  company  at  Sogkonate  point,  which 
was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it  should 
be  mentioned  that  the  friendship  now  renewed  by  the 
4 


46  AWASHONKST. 

industry  of  Mr.  Church,  was  never  afterward  broken. 
Many  of  these  Indians  always  accompanied  Church  in 
his  memorable  expeditions,  and  rendered  great  service 
to  the  English.  When  Philip's  war  was  over,  Church 
went  to  reside  again  among  them,  and  the  greatest 
harmony  always  prevailed.  But  to  return  to  the 
thread  of  our  narrative  : 

On  returning  to  the  island,  Mr.  Church  "  was  at 
great  pains  and  charge  to  get  a  vessel,  but  with  unac 
countable  disappointments ;  sometimes  by  the  false 
ness,  and  sometimes  by  the  faint  heartedness  of  men 
that  he  bargained  with,  and  sometimes  by  wind  and 
weather,  &c."  was  hindered  a  long  time.  At  length, 
Mr.  Anthony  Low,  of  Swanzey,  happening  to  put  into 
the  harbor,  and  although  bound  to  the  westward,  on 
being  made  acquainted  with  Mr.  Church's  case,  said  he 
would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  and  cargo  to  wait 
upon  him.  But  when  they  arrived  at  Sogkonate  point, 
although  the  Indians  were  there  according  to  agree 
ment  waiting  upon  the  rocks,  they  met  with  a  contra 
ry  wind,  and  so  rough  a  sea,  that  none  but  Peter  Awa- 
shonks  could  get  on  board.  This  he  did  at  great  haz 
ard,  having  only  an  old  broken  canoe  to  get  off  in. 
The  wind  and  rain  now  forced  them  up  into  Pocasset 
sound,  and  they  were  obliged  to  bear  away,  and  return 
round  the  north  end  of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  viewing  their  ef 
fort  as  against  the  will  of  Providence,  and  drew  up  an 
account  of  what  had  passed,  and  despatched  Peter,  on 
the  9th  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Plimouth. 

Major  Bradford  having  now  arrived  with  the  army 
at  Pocasset,  Mr.  Church  repaired  to  him  and  told  him 
of  his  transactions  and  engagements  with  Awashoriks. 
Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  inform  her  of  his  ar 
rival,  which  he  did.  Awashonks  doubtless  now  discov- 


AWASHONKS.  47 

ered  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety,  but  Mr.  Church  told 
her  "  that  if  she  would  be  advise^  and  observe  order, 
she  nor  her  people  need  not  fear  being  hurt  by  them." 
He  directed  her  to  get  all  her  people  together,  «« lest 
if  they  should  be  found  straggling  about,  mischief 
might  light  on  them ;"  and  that  the  next  day  the  army 
would  march  down  into  the  neck  to  receive  her.  Af 
ter  begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time  she  had  to 
collect  them  together,  promised  to  do  the  best  she 
could,  and  he  left  her. 

Accordingly  two  days  after  she  met  the  army  at 
Punkateese.  Awashonks  was  now  unnecessarily  per 
plexed  by  the  conduct  of  Major  Bradford.  For  she 
expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the 
army  ;  but  instead  of  that,  he  "  presently  gave  forth 
orders  for  Awashonks,  and  all  her  subjects,  both  men, 
women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  and  to  be 
there  upon  peril,  in  six  days."  Church  was  also  quite 
disconcerted  by  this  unexpected  order,  but  all  reason 
ing  or  remonstrance  was  of  no  avail  with  the  com 
mander  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Church  he  would  em 
ploy  him  if  he  choose,  but  as  for  the  Indians,  «  he 
would  not  be  concerned  with  them,"  and  accordingly 
sent  them  off  with  a  flag  of  truce,  under  the  direction 
of  Jack  Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been  engag 
ed  in  the  war.  Mr.  Church  told  Jlwashonks  not  to  be 
concerned,  but  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he 
would  shortly  meet  her  at  Sandwich. 

According  to  promise,  Church  went  by  way  of  Pli- 
mouth  to  meet  the  Sogkonates.  The  governor  of  Pli- 
mouth  was  highly  pleased  at  the  account  Church  gave 
him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  he  now  satisfied 
of  his  superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  he  desired  him 
to  be  commissioned  in  the  country's  service.  He  left 
Plimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attendants,  among 


48  AWASHONKS, 

whom  were  Mr.  Jabez  Howland,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel 
Southworth.  They,  slept  at  Sandwich  the  first 
night,  and  here  taking  a  few  more  men  agreeably  to 
the  governor's  orders,  proceeded  to  Jlgawom,  a  small 
river  of  Rochester,  where  they  expected  to  meet  the 
Indians.  Some  of  his  company  now  became  discour 
aged,  presuming,  perhaps,  the  Indians  were  treacher 
ous,  and  half  of  them  returned  home.  When  they 
came  to  Sippican  river,  which  empties  into  Buzzard's 
bay  in  Rochester,  Mr.  Howland  was  so  fatigued  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  he  being  in  years, 
and  somewhat  corpulent.  Church  left  two  more  with 
him  as  a  reserve  in  case  he  should  be  obliged  to  re 
treat.  They  soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  bay, 
and  hearing  a  great  noise  at  considerable  distance  from 
them,  upon  the  bank,  were  presently  in  sight  of  a 
"  vast  company  of  Indjans,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some 
on  horseback,  running  races,  some  at  foot-ball,  some 
catching  eels  and  flat  fish  in  the  water,  some  clamming, 
&c."  They  now  had  to  find  out  what  Indians  these 
were,  before  they  dared  make  themselves  known  to 
them.  Church  therefore  halloed,  and  two  Indians 
that  were  at  a  distance  from  the  rest,  rode  up  to  him, 
to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  were  very 
much  surprised  when  they  found  themselves  so  near 
Englishmen,  and  turned  their  horses  to  run,  but  Church 
making  himself  known  to  them,  they  gave  him  the  de 
sired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens,  who  im 
mediately  came.  And  when  he  had  confirmed  what 
the  others  had  related,  there  arrived  a  large  number  of 
th«m  on  horseback,  well  armed.  These  treated  the 
English  very  respectfully.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to 
Jlwashonks,  to  inform  her  that  he  would  sup  with  her 
that  night,  and  lodge  in  her  tent.  In  the  mean  time 
the  English  returned  with  their  friends  they  had  left  at 


AWASHONKS.  49 

Sippican.  When  they  came  to  the  Indian  company, 
"were  immediately  conducted  to  a  shelter,  open 
on  one  side,  whither  •Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  soon 
carne  and  paid  their  respects."  When  this  had  taken 
place  there  were  great  shouts  made  by  the  "  multi 
tudes"  which  "made  the  heavens  to  ring."  About 
sunset  "  the  Nctops*  came  running  from  all  quarters, 
laden  with  the  tops  of  dry  pines,  and  the  like  combus 
tible  matter,  making  a  huge  pile  thereof,  near  Mr. 
Church's  shelter,  on  the  open  side  thereof.  But  by 
this  time  supper  was  brought  in,  in  three  dishes,  viz  : 
a  curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and  flat  fish  in 
a  second,  and  shell  fish  in  a  third,"  but  salt  was  want 
ing.  When  the  supper  was  finished,  "  the  mighty  pile 
of  pine  knots  and  tops,  &c.  was  fired,  and  all  the  In 
dians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  ring  around  it.  Jlwa- 
•shonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  people,  men  and  women 
mixed,  kneeling  down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the 
fire,  and  all  the  lusty  stout  men  standing  up  made  the 
next ;  and  then  all  the  rabble  in  a  confused  crew,  sur 
rounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  chief  captain  step 
ped  in  between  the  rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  spear  in 
one  hand,  and  a  hatchet  in  the  other,  danced  round 
the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mention  of 
all  the  several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in 
the  country  that  were  enemies  to  the  English.  And 
at  naming  of  every  particular  tribe  of  Indians,  he 
would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at  his 
finishing  his  fight  with  each  particular  fire-brand, 
would  bow  to  Mr.  Church  and  thank  him."  When  he 
had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war  with  the  English, 
he  stuck  his  spear  and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left 
the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in,  and  acted  over 

*  Signify  ing  friends,  in  Indian. 


50  AWASHONKS. 

the  same  farce ;  trying  to  act  with  more  fury  than  the 
first.  After  about  a  half  a  dozen  had  gone  through 
with  the  performance,  their  chief  captain  stepped  to 
Mr.  Church  and  told  him  "  they  were  making  soldiers 
for  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing  was  all  one 
swearing  of  them."  Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  next 
came  and  told  him  "  that  now  they  were  all  engaged 
to  fight  for  the  English."  At  this  time  Awashonks 
presented  to  Mr.  Church  a  very  fine  gun.  The  next 
day,  July  22,  he  selected  a  number  of  her  men  and 
proceeded  to  Plirnouth.  A  commission  was  given 
him,  and  being  joined  with  a  number  of  English,  vol 
unteers,  commenced  a  successful  series  of  exploits,  in 
which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  but 
have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  anywhere 
sufficiently  noticed. 

It  is  said*  that  Awashonks  had  two  sons,  the  young 
est  was  William  Mommynewit,  who  was  put  to  a  gram 
mar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  language,  and  was 
intended  for  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized 
with  the  palsy.  The  bounds  of  Jlwashonks  territo 
ries  were  a  line  from  Pachet  brook  to  the  head  of 
Coaxet. 

About  130  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100 
Indian  men  of  the  Sogkonate  tribe,  and  the  general 
assembly  appointed  Numpaus  their  captain,  who  lived 
to  be  an  old  man,  and  died  about  1748,  after  the  taking 
of  Cape  Breton,  1745.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  they  made  quite  a  respectable  re 
ligious  congregation ;  had  a  meeting-house  of  their 
own,  in  which  they  were  instructed  by  Rev.  Mr.  Bil 
lings,  once  a  month,  on  Sundays.  They  had  a  steady 
preacher  among  themselves,  whose  name  was  John  Si~ 
mon,  a  man  of  a  strong  mind.  See  Art.  John  Simon , 

t  See  Col.  Mas.  His.  Soc. 


51 

About  1750,  a  very  distressing  fever  carried  oflf 
many  of  this  tribe,  and  in  1803  there  were  not  above 
ten  in  Compton,  their  principal  residence. 

JB€fffOt«?5  (Sam.)  famous  in  Philip's  war;  fell 
into  the  hands  of  capt.  Church,  in  one  of  his  successful 
expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church  says, 
in  his  history,  that  he  was  "  as  noted  a  rogue  as  any 
among  the  enemy."  Capt.  Church  told  him  that  the 
government  would  not  permit  him  to  grant  him  quar 
ter,  "because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbarities," 
and  therefore  ordered  him  to  prepare  for  execution, 
"  Barrow  replied,  that  the  sentence  of  death  against 
him  was  just,  and  that  indeed  he  was  ashamed  to  live 
any  longer,  and  desired  no  more  favor,  than  to  smoke 
a  whiff  of  tobacco  before  his  execution.  When  he 
had  taken  a  few  whiffs,  he  said,  '  I  am  ready  ;'  upon 
which  one  of  capt.  Church's  Indians  sunk  his  hatchet 
into  his  brains."  Thus  perished  a  martyr  in  a  great 
cause,  and  with  infinitely  more  honor  than  his  murder 
ers.  He  was  the  father  of  Totoson. 

Big-tree )  a  chief  of  the  Seneca  nation,  one 
who  signed  the  treaty  of  fort  Stanwix*,  in  1784.  We 
hear  of  no  warlike  exploits  of  his,  but  his  name  is 
often  associated  with  that  of  Corn-plant  and  Half-town, 
in  their  appeals  to  government  during  the  period  im 
mediately  following  the  revolution.  Although  the 
following  notices  may  more  properly  belong  to  Corn- 
plant,  we  recite  them  here,  as  it  is  presumed  that  thai 
article  will  be  sufficiently  long  without  them. 

In  the  year  1790,  Big-tree,  Corn-plant,  and  Half-town 
appeared  at  Philadelphia,  and  by  their  interpreter, 
communicated  to  President  Washington  as  follows : 

"  Father ;  The  voice  of  the  Seneca  nations  speaks 

*  Situated  15  miles  north  west  of  Utica,  in  the  state  of  N.  Y- 


52 


to  you  ;  the  great  counsellor,  in  whose  heart  the  wise 
men  of  all  the  thirteen  fires  [13  U.  S.]  have  placed  their 
wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we 
therefore  entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention  ;  for  we 
are  able  to  speak  of  things  which  are  to  us  very  great. 

"  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six 
Nations,  we  called  you  the  town  destroyer  ;  to  this  day, 
when  your  name  is  heard,  our  women  look  behind  them 
and  turn  pale,  and  our  children  cling  close  to  the  necks 
of  their  mothers." 

"  When  our  chiefs  returned  from  fort  Stanwix,  and 
laid  before  our  council  what  had  been  done  there,  our 
nation  was  surprised  to  hear  how  great  a  country  you 
had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your 
paying  to  us  anything  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that 
your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with  resentment  against 
us  for  what  had  happened  during-  the  war,  but  that  one 
day  you  would  consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We 
asked  each  other,  what  have  we  done  to  deserve  such 
severe  chastisement  ? 

"  Father  ;  when  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately, 
the  wise  men  assembled  at  them,  told  us  that  you  were 
all  brothers  ;  the  children  of  one  great  father,  who 
regarded  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  called 
us  brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  protection.  They 
told  us  that  he  resided  beyond  the  great  water  where 
the  sun  first  rises  ;  and  that  he  was  a  king  whose 
power,  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness 
was  as  bright  as  the  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our 
hearts.  We  accepted  the  invitation,  and  promised  to 
obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises  they 
faithfully  perform.  When  you  refused  obedience  to 
that  king,  he  commanded  us  to  assist  his  beloved  men 
in  making  you  sober.  In  obeying  him  we  did  no  more 
than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise."  "  We  were 


BIG-TREE. 


53 


deceived ;  but  your  people  teaching  us  to  confide  in 
that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us  ;  and  we  now 
appeal  to  your  breast.  Is  all  the  blame  ours? 

«  Father  ;  when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived, 
and  heard  the  invitation  which  you  gave  us  to  draw 
near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and  talk  with  you 
concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You 
told  us  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing ;  and  you  de 
manded  from  us  a  great  country,  as  the  price  of  that 
peace  which  you  had  offered  to  us  :  as  if  our  want  of 
strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt 
your  power  and  were  unable  to  contend  against  you, 
and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country.  What  they 
agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger  against 
us  must  by  this  time  be  cooled,  and  although  our 
strength  is  not  increased,  nor  your  power  become  less, 
we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly :  were  the  terms  dictated 
to  us  by  your  commissioners,  reasonable  and  just  ?" 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solemn  prom 
ise  of  the  commissioners,  that  they  should  be  secured 
in  the  peaceable  possession  of  what  was  left  to  them, 
and  then  ask,  "  does  this  promise  bind  you  ?"  And  that 
no  sooner  was  the  treaty  of  fort  Stanwix  concluded, 
than  commissioners  from  Pennsylvania,  came  to  pur 
chase  of  them  what  was  included  within  the  lines  of 
their  state.  These  they  informed  that  they  did  not 
wish  to  sell,  but  being  further  urged,  consented  to  sell 
a  part.  But  the  commissioners  said  that  "  they  must 
have  the  whole  ,•"  for  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by 
the  king  of  England,  at  the  peace  following  the  revo 
lution.  But  still  as  their  ancestors  had  always  paid 
the  Indians  for  land,  they  were  willing  to  pay  them  for 
it.  Being  not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold.  Soon 
after  this  they  empowered  a  person  to  let  out  part  of 
their  land,  who  said  congress  had  sent  him  for  the  pur- 


O4  BIG-TREE. 

pose,  but  who,  it  seems,  fraudulently  procured  a  deed 
instead  of  a  power ;  for  there  soon  came  another  person 
claiming  all  their  country  northward  of  the  line  of 
Pennsylvania,  saying  that  he  purchased  it  of  the  other, 
and  for  which  had  paid  twenty  thousand  dollars  to  him, 
and  twenty  thousand  more  to  the  United  States.  He 
now  demanded  the  land  and,  on  being  refused,  threaten 
ed  immediate  war.  Knowing  their  weak  situation, 
they  held  a  council,  and  took  the  advice  of  a  white 
man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but  who,  as 
it  proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  re 
ceive  some  of  the  land  for  his  agency.  He  therefore 
told  them  they  must  comply.  "  Astonished  at  what 
we  heard  from  every  quarter,  with  hearts  aching  with 
compassion  for  our  women  and  children,  we  were  thus 
compelled  to  give  up  all  our  country  north  of  the  line 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Gennesee  river,  up  to 
the  great  forks,  and  east  of  a  south  line  drawn  up  from 
that  fork  to  the  line  of  Pennsylvania."  For  this  he 
agreed  to  give  them  ten  thousand  dollars  down,  and 
one  thousand  dollars  a  year  forever.  Instead  of  that 
he  paid  them  two  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  and 
some  time  after  offered  five  hundred  dollars  more,  in 
sisting  that  that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allow 
ed  to  be  yearly.  They  add, 

"Father ;  you  have  said  that  we  were  in  your  hand, 
and  that  by  closing  it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing. 
Are  you  determined  to  crush  us  ?  If  you  are,  tell  us 
so ;  that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your 
children,  and  have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know 
what  to  do.  In  this  case  one  chief  has  said,  he  would 
ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain.  Another,  who 
will  not  think  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or 
his  brother,  has  said  he  will  retirtf  to  the  Chataughque, 
eat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in 
peace." 


BIMILICK.         •  55 

«A11  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to 
the  Six  Nations.  No  part  of  it  ever  belonged  to  the 
king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  you." 

"  Hear  us  once  more.  At  fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to 
deliver  up  those  of  our  people  who  should  do  you  any 
wrong,  and  that  you  might  try  them  and  punish  them 
according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  ac 
cordingly.  But  instead  of  trying  them  according  to 
your  law,  the  lowest  of  your  people  took  them  from 
your  magistrate,  and  put  them  immediately  to  death. 
It  is  just  to  punish  the  murder  with  death,  but  the 
Senecas  will  not  deliver  up  their  people  to  men  who 
disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation." 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated, 
and  all  in  a  strain,  which  we  should  think  would  have 
drawn  forth  immediate  relief.  In  his  answer,  Presi 
dent  Washington  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said 
in  his  situation,  and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest 
throughout,  still  there  is  something  like  evasion  in  an 
swering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an  omission  of 
notice  to  others.  His  answer  nevertheless,  gave  them 
much  encouragement.  He  assured  them  that  the 
lands  obtained  from  them  by  fraud  was  not  sanctioned 
by  the  government,  and  that  the  whole  transaction  was 
declared  null  and  void.  And  that  the  persons  who 
murdered  their  people  should  be  dealt  with  as  though 
they  had  murdered  white  men,  and  that  all  possible 
means  would  be  used  for  their  apprehension,  and  re 
wards  should  continue  to  be  offered  to  effect  it.  But 
we  have  not  learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended. 
The  land  conveyed  by  treaty,  the  President  informed 
them,  he  had  no  authority  to  concern  with,  as  that  act 
was  before  his  administration. 


,  a  Narraganset,  one  who  in  '1661, 
with  Potok,  Ninicraft  and  several  other  chiefs,  were 


56 


BLACK-KETTLE. 


much  crowded  and  infringed  upon  in  their  lands  near 
Point-Judith  by  other  Indians ;  and  against  which  en 
croachments  they  petitioned  the  'court  of  Massachu- 
•  setts,  that  they  might  have  liberty  to  expel  them  by 
force.  What  orders  the  court  passed  upon  their  peti 
tion  is  not  known.  There  is  a  brook  in  Worcester, 
Mass,  bearing  the  name  of  JBimilick,  which  perhaps 
derived  its  name  from  this  chief.* 

Slack-kettle^  a  famous  chief  and  warrior  of 
the    Five   Nations.     A    war   with    France    in    1690, 
brought  this  chief  upon  the   records  of  history.     In 
the  summer  of  that  year,  major  Schuyler  of  Albany, 
with  a  company  of  Mohawks,  fell   upon   the  French 
settlements  at  the  north  end  of  lake  Champlairi.     De 
Callieres,    governor    of  Montreal,     hastily     collected 
about  800  men  and  opposed  them,  but  notwithstand 
ing  his  force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they  were  repul 
sed  with  great  loss.     About  300  of  the  enemy  were 
killed  in  this  expedition.     The  French  now  took  eve 
ry  measure  in   their  power  to  retaliate.     They   sent 
presents  to  many  tribes  of  Indians,  to  engage  them  in 
their  cause,   and  in  the  following  winter  a   party  of 
about  300   men,  under  an  accomplished  young  gen- 
tleman,  marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Irdian  na 
tions  at  Niagara.     Their  march  was  long,  and  render 
ed  almost  insupportable  ;  being  obliged  to  carry  their 
provisions  on  their  backs  through  deep  snow.     Black- 
kettle  met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an 
unequal  fight  until   his   men  were  nearly  all  cut  off; 
but  it  was  more  fatal  to   the  French,  who  far  from 
home,  had  no  means  of  recruiting.    Black-kettle,  in  his 
turn,  carried  the  war  into  Canada  during  the  whole 
summer  following,  with  immense  loss  and  damage  to 

*  Manuscript  documents. 


BLACK-WILLIAM.  57 

the  French  inhabitants.  The  governor  was  so  enrag 
ed  at  his  successes,  that  he  caused  a  prisoner,  which 
had  been  taken  from  the  Five  Nations,  to  be  burnt 
alive.  This  captive  withstood  the  tortures  with  as 
much  firmness,  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.  He 
sung  his  achievements  while  they  broiled  his  feet, 
burnt  his  hands  with  red  hot  irons,  cut  and  wrung 
off  his  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews.  To  close 
the  horrid  scene,  his  scalp  was  torn  off,  and  red  hot 
sand  poured  upon  his  head. 

S£f(fck-willJ4(H9]  called  also  Manatdhqua,  was 
Sachem  of  Sagus,  now  Lynn,  and  vicinity,  when  the 
English  settled  about  there  in  1630.  His  father  lived 
at  Swampscot,  and  was  also  a  Sagamore,  but  proba 
bly  was  dead  before  the  English  settled  in  the  coun 
try.*  A  traveller  in  this  then  f  wilderness  world,  thus 
notices  William,  as  possessing  Nahant.  "  One  Black- 
william,  an  Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave 
this  place  in  general  to  the  plantation  of  Saugus,  so 
that  no  other  can  appropriate  it  to  himself."  He  was 
a  great  friend  to  the  whites,  but  his  friendship  was  re 
paid,  as  was  that  of  many  others  of  that  and  even 
much  later  times.  There  was  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Walter  Bagnall,  «  a  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  much 
wronged  the  Indians,}  was  killed  near  the  mouth  of 
Saco  river,  probably  by  some  of  those  whom  he  had 
defrauded.  This  was  in  October,  1631.  As  some 
vessels  were  upon  the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  Pi- 
,rates,  in  January,  1633,  they  put  in  at  Richman's 
island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-william.  This 
was  the  place  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two 
years  before,  but  whether  he  had  anything  to  do  with 
it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I  find  as  any  one,  even  his 

*  Hist.  N.  England.  32.         t!633,  Mr.  William  Wood;  he 
wrote  N.  England  Prospect.         j  Winthrop's  Jour.  1,  62,  63. 


58  BLUE-JACKET. 

murderers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated,  but 
out  of  revenge  for  BagnalVs  death,  these  pirate  hun 
ters  hanged  Black  william.  f  On  the  contrary  it  was 
particularly  mentioned*  that  Bagnalt  was  killed  by 
Squidrayset  and  his  men,  some  Indians  belonging  to 
that  parUof  the  country. 

It  is  believed  that  this  chief  married  a  daughter  of 
Passaconaway.  See  that  head. 

Blue-jacket^  a  name  necessarily  reminding  us 
of  the  fate  of  several  tribes  almost  destroyed  by  the 
American  army  under  general  Wayne,  in  1794.  Led 
on  by  this  chief,  rather  against  the  judgment  of  some 
others,  inspired  by  a  confidence  which  had  grown  out  of 
their  late  victories,  proved  to  them  when  too  late,  that 
success  at  one  time,  was  no  security  for  its  continuance.} 

The  tribes  united  to  oppose  the  Americans  under 
Wayne,  were  the  Wyandots,  Miarnis,  Pattowattomys, 
Delawares,  Shawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottoways,  and  a 
few  Senecas.  Blue-jacket  was  the  director  and  leader 
of  this  mighty  band  of  warriors. 

From  the  time  general  St.  Clair  was  defeated  in 
1791,  murders  were  continued  upon  the  frontier,  and 
all  attempts  on  the  part  of  government  to  effect  a  peace, 
proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  the  embassadors  sent  to 
them  were  murdered,  and  that  too  while  the  army  was 
progressing  towards  their  country. 

After  building  fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Ohio,  six 
miles  above  fort  Jefferson,  general  Wayne  took  posses 
sion  of  the  ground  where  gen.  St.  Clair  had  been  de 
feated,  and  there  erected  a  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Recovery,  in  which  the  army  spent  the  win 
ter  of  1793-4.  Many  censures  were  passed  upon  the 
general  for  his  slow  progress,  but  he  knew  much  bet- 

*  Hist.  Lynn.      ,  t  Winthrop's  Jour.  I.  62,  63. 
t  Advice  of  Little-turtle. 


BLUE-JACKET. 


59 


ter  what  he  was  doing,  than  newspaper  writers  did 
what  they  were  writing,  when  they  undertook  to  cen 
sure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8th  of  August,  1794,  when  the  army  ar 
rived  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  Au  Glaize  and 
Maumee,  where  they  built  fort  Defiance.  It  was  the 
general's  design  to  have  met  the  enemy  unprepared,  in 
this  move,  but  a  fellow  deserted  his  camp  and  notified 
the  Indians.  He  now  tried  again  to  bring  them  to  an 
accommodation,  and  from  the  answers  which  he  re 
ceived  from  them  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his 
mind,  whether  they  were  for  peace  or  not ;  so  artful 
was  the  manner  in  which  their  replies  were  formed.* 
At  length  being*  fully  satisfied,  he  marched  down  the 
Maumee,  and  arrived  at  the  rapids,  18th  of  August. 
His  army  consisted  of  upwards  of  3000  men,  2000  of 
whom  were  regulars.  Fort  Deposite  was  erected  at 
this  place  for  the  security  of  their  supplies.  They  now 
set  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  who  had  chosen  his  posi 
tion,  upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  with  much  judgment. 
They  had  a  breastwork  of  fallen  trees  in  front,  and  the 
high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  gave  them  much  security, 
as  also  did  the  thick  wood  of  Presque  isle.  Their 
force  was  divided,  and  disposed  at  supporting  distances 
for  about  two  miles.  When  the  Americans  had  arrived 
at  proper  distance,  a  body  was  sent  out  to  be^in  the 
attack,  "  with  orders  to  rouse  the  enemy  from  their  co 
vert  with  the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver  a  close 
fire  upon  their  bucks,  and  press  them  so  hard  as  not  to 
give  them  time  to  reloa(J."f  This  order  was  so  well 
executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack  so  short, 
that  only  about  900  Americans  participated  in  it.  But 

*  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  481 .  ed.  4to. 
t  Schoolcraft. 


60  BLUE-JACKET. 

they  pursued  the  Indians  with  great  slaughter  through 
the  woods  to  fort  Maumee,  where  the  carnage  ended. 
The  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their 
strong  hold,  that  their  numbers  only  increased  their 
distress  and  confusion.  And  the  cavalry  made  horrible 
havoc  among  them  with  their  long  sabres.  Of  the 
Americans  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  could  not 
be  ascertained,  but  must  have  been  very  severe.  The 
American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of 
•the  action,  as  they  advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the 
Indians  rifles,  who  could  not  be  seen  until  they  had 
fired.  They  maintained  their  coverts  but  a  short  time, 
being  forced  in  every  direction  by  th*  bayonet.  But 
until  that  was  effected  the  Americans  fell  fast,  and  we 
only  wonder  that  men  could  be  found  thus  to  advance 
in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals,  is 
chargeable  to  certain  white  men,  or  at  least  mainly  so; 
for  some  days  before  the  battle,  general  Wayne  sent  a 
flag  of  truce  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and 
treat  with  him.  The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to 
a  col.  M'Kee,  who  it'appears  was  their  ill -adviser,  and 
he,  by  putting  a  false  construction  upon  it,  increased 
the  rage  of  the  Indians  ;  he  then  informed  them  that 
they  must  forthwith  fight  the  American  army.  Some 
of  the  chiefs,  learning  the  truth  of  the  letter,  were  for 
peace,  but  it  was  too  late.  Littlt-turtle  was  known  to 
have  been  in  favor  of  making  peace  ;  and  seemed  well 
aware  of  the  abilities  of  the  American  general.  He 
said  to  the  other  chiefs,  "  The  Americans  are  now  led 
by  a  chief,  who  never  sleeps.  The  night  and  the  day 
are  alike  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  that  he  has 
been  marching  upon  our  villages,  notwithstanding  the 
watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  we  have  never  been 
able  to  surprise  him." 


BLUE-JACKET.  61 

The  night  before  the  battle,  the  chiefs  assembled  in 
council,  and  some  proposed  attacking  the  army  in  its 
encampment,  but  was  objected  to  by  others  ;  finally  the 
proposition  of  fighting  at  Presque  isle,  prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were 
killed,  being  nine  in  number.  Some  of  the  nations 
escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up  until  after  the 
defeat.  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians 
of  the  folly  of  longer  contending  against  the  Ameri 
cans  ;  they  therefore  were  glad  to  get  what  terms  they 
could  from  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve  tribes  met 
commissioners  at  fort  Greenville,  and  as  a  price  of  their 
peace,  gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of 
the  lakes,  and  west  of  the  Ohio ;  and  such  other  tracts 
as  comprehended  all  the  military  posts  in  the  western 
region.  The  government  discovered  some  liberality  to 
these  tribes,  on  their  relinquishing  to  it  what  they  could 
not  withhold,  and  as  a  gratuity  gave  them  twenty  thou 
sand  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  nine 
thousand  dollars  a  year  forever;  to  be  divided  among 
those  tribes  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,* 

It  has  been  mentioned,  that  when  the  Indians  were 
routed,  they  fled  to  fort  Maumee.  This  was  a  British 
garrison,  and  its  commander  had  promised  the  Indians 
protection  within  its  walls,  if  the  battle  turned  against 
them,  but  he  broke  his  promise  with  them,  and  they 
never  overlooked  it  in  the  British  afterwards.  Tecum- 
seh  alludes  to  the  transaction  in  his  famous  speech  to 
Proctor  in  our  last  war,  and  so  did  Walk-in-ihe-water 
upon  another  occasion.  Many  English  Canadians 
from  Detroit  fought  in  this  battle,  notwithstanding  the 

*  The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  offered  to 
them  before  the  battle,  which  should  be  mentioned,  as  adding 
materially  to  our  good  feelings  towards  its  authors.  It  is 
generally  denominated  Wayne's  treaty.  It  is  worthy  of  him. 


62  BLUE-JACKET. 

two  nations  were  then  at  peace.  The  fact  admitted  of 
no  contradiction,  for  several  were  found  among  the 
slain,  who  were  known  to  be  such. 

MBlH€-f(tcIC€t)  a  Shawanese  chief,  who  render 
ed  his  name  famous  during  the  last  war.  At  a  time 
when  many  of  the  north-western  tribes  were  about  to 
join  the  Americans,  this  chief,  under  a  false  pretence, 
intended  to  have  joined  others  in  the  council  appoint 
ed  to  be  held  at  Seneca  with  the  American  commis 
sioners,  in  the  summer  of  18  J  3,  with  the  intention  of 
assassinating  the  commander,  general  Harrison.  He 
had  formerly  lived  at  Wapockonta,  but  from  which  he 
had  been  absent  a  considerable  time,  and  had  returned 
only  a  few  days  before  the  warriors  of  that  town  set 
out  to  join  the  American  army.  That  they  might  not 
mistrust  his  intentions,  he  told  them  that  he  had  been 
hunting  on  the  Wabash,  and  at  his  request  they  per 
mitted  him  to  march  with  them  to  Seneca.  "  Upon 
their  arrival  at  M'Arthurs  block-house,  they  halted,  and 
encamped  "for  the  purpose  of  procuring  provisions  from 
the  deputy  Indian  agent,  col.  M'Pherson,  who  resided 
there.  Before  their  arrival  at  that  place,  Blue-jacket 
had  communicated  to  a  friend  of  his,  a  Shawanese 
warrior,  his  intention  to  kill  the  American  general,  and 
requested  his  assistance,  but  his  friend  declined,  and 
tried  to  influence  him  to  give  up  the  idea;  urging  that 
he  would  assuredly  loose  his  own  life  in  the  attempt. 
The  determined  warrior  chief,  like  the  famous  jVamm- 
tenoh,  replied  "  I  would  kill  the  general,  if  I  knew 
his  guards  would  cut  me  in  pieces  not  bigger 
than  my  thumb  nail."*  This  friend  chanced  to  be  a 
friend  also  of  general  Harrison,  which  proved  in  the 
end,  a  means  to  save  his  life.  His  name  was  Beaver, 
and  a  Delaware,  and  was  under  peculiar  obligations  to 

*  Memoirs  of  gen.  Harrison, 


BOMAZEEN,  63 


general  Harrison,  who  had  been  a  father  to  him  in  his 
youth,  when  his  own  father  had  been  killed.  He 
therefore  felt  bound  to  prevent  an  injury  coming  upon 
him,  and  on  the  other  hand,  he  knew  not  how  to  rid 
himself  of  the  obligation  due,  and  almost  always 
strictly  observed,  from  one  chief  towards  another.  At 
length  an  opportunity  presented,  in  which  he  might 
discharge,  as  he  conceived,  his  obligations^  While 
they  were  encamped  at  the  Block-house,  and  Beaver 
sat  in  his  tent,  Blue-jacket  drew,  near,  reeling  under  the 
effect  of  ardent  spirit,  and  uttering  vengeance  against 
M'Pherson,  who  had  turned  him  out  of  his  house,  for 
acting,  it  is  probable,  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  what 
he  had  received  from  its  inmates,  and  as  they  ought 
to  have  expected.  At  this,  Beaver's  determination  was 
in  a  moment  fixed,  and  raising  his  tomahawk,  exclaim 
ed,  "  you  mutft  be  a  great  warrior ;  you  will  not  only 
kill  this  white  man  for  serving  you  as  you  deserve,  but 
you  will  also  murder  our  father,  the  American  chief, 
and  bring  disgrace  and  misery  upon  us  all ;  but  you 
shall  do  neither:"  At  the  same  moment  dealing  a 
deadly  blow  upow  his  skull,  with  which  he  prostrated 
him  upon  the  eatth,  and  with  a  second  ended  his 
life.  "  There"  said  he  to  some  Shawanese  present, 
"take  him  to' the  ca\mp  of  his  tribe,  and  tell  them  who 
has  done  the  deed."\  Beaver  was  applauded  for  the 
act,  and  no  resentment  appears  to  have  existed  against 
him  afterward.  Nor  could  any  one  account  for  the 
design  of  Blue-jacket. 

M&omazcen^  or  Amazon,  Sachem  of  Nerig- 
wok,  or  Norridgewock.  Whether  he  was  the  next  in 
succession  to  Arruhawikwc^emt  or  not,  we  have  not 
learned ;  or  whether  he  we?e  a  distinct  chief  among 
others  of  equal  authority  am^ng  the  Nerigwoks. 

Whether  this  chief  was  the  .\eader  in  the  attack  up- 


64  BOMAZEEJf. 

on  Oyster  river  in  N.  Hampshire,  Groton  in  Massachu 
setts,  and  many  other  places  about  the  year  1694,  we 
cannot  determine,  but  Hutchinson  says  he  was  "  a 
principal  actor  in  the  carnage  upon  the  English,"  after 
the  treaty  which  he  had  made  with  governor  Phips,  in 
1693.  In  1694  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Pemmaquid  with 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  was  treacherously  seized  by  those 
who  commanded,  and  sent  prisoner  to  Boston,  where 
he  remained  some  months,  in  a  loathsome  prison/  In 
1706  new  barbarities  were  committed.  Chelnisford, 
Sudbury,  Groton,  Exeter,  Dover  and  many  other  pla 
ces  suffered  more  or  less.  Many  captives  were  taken 
to  Canada,  and  many  killed  upon  the  way,  A  poor 
woman  who  had  arrived  at  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
was  about  to  be  hanged  by  her  master.  The  limb  of 
the  tree  on  which  he  was  executing  his  purpose  gave 
way,  arid  while  he  was  making  a  second  attempt, 
Bomazeen,  happened  to  be  passing,  and  rescued  her. 
Here  was  humanity.  What  a  thrill  of  gratitude 
would  our  natures  receive,  were  we  able  to  record,  or 
read,  that  at  a  certain  time  the  arm  of  an  Englishman 
was  stayed,  when  the  axe  was  about  to  descend  upon 
the  neck  of  a  poor  helpless  Indian  prisoner ! 

We  hear  of  him  just  after  the  death  of  Arrahawik-, 
wabemt,  in  October,  1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco 
with  60  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  people,  and 
carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a 
«  notorious  fellow,"  and  but  few  of  his  acts  are  upon 
record.  Some  time  after  the  peace  of  1701,  it  seem 
ed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  Bomazeen, 
and  another  principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  Fri 
ars  were  urging  them  to  break  their  union  with  the 
English,  "  but  that  they  bad  made  no  impression  on 
them,  for  they  were  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and 
should  continue  so,  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  en- 


BRANDT.  65 

dured."  On  peace  being  made  known  to  the  Indians, 
as  having  taken  place  between  the  French  and  English 
nations,  they  came  into  Casco  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
and  soon  after  concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N. 
H.,  dated  llth  July,  1713.  Bomazeeri's  name  and 
mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  capt.  Moulton  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok  in 
1724,  they  fell  in  with  Bomazeen  about  Taconnet, 
where  they  shot  him  as  he  was  escaping  through  the 
river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and 
daughter  were,  in  a  barbarous  manner  fired  upon,  the 
daughter  killed,  and  the  mother  taken. 

!•  purposely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mathers  account  of  Boma 
zeeri's  conversation  with  a  minister  of  Boston,  while  a 
prisoner  there,  which  amounts  to  little  else  than  his 
recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which 
the  French  of  Canada  had  made  many  Indians  be 
lieve,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he  said  ;  as  that  Jesus 
Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  virgin  Mary  a 
French  woman  ;  that  the  French  gave  them  poison  to 
drink,  to  inflame  them  against  the  English,  which 
made  them  run  mad,  &c. 

JBlYYJIYlf ,  an  Onondaga  chief,  conspicuous  for 
his  deception  and  treachery  in  the  French  war. 
About  1756,  notwithstanding  three  of  his  sons  were 
in  the  English  army,  yet  he  used  wily  arts  tha^jt  they 
might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French  at  O&wego.  In 
the  revolutionary  war  he  was  commissioned  colonel  in 
the  English  army,  and  led  a  band  of  warriors  in  the 
Massacre  of  Wyoming,  and  in  the  attack  on  Minisink, 
in  New  York.  He  died  in  1807.  His  father  was  a  Ger 
man,  and  his  mother  an  Indian.  His  residence  was  at 
Anaquaqua,  in  New  York,  about  36  miles  from  the 
present  cite  of  Cooperstown.  His  most  noted  exploit 
of  barbarity  was  in  the  attack  on  Wyoming,  at  the 


BRANDT. 

head  of  about  300  Indians.  In  this,  however,  if  bar 
barity  be  chargeable  to  one  more  than  another,  it  is  to 
a  Connecticut  tory,  by  the  name  of  John  Butler.  This 
man  had  lived  among  the  Indians  on  the  frontier,  for 
some  time,  in  the  character  of  an  Indian  grader.  At 
the  head  of  about  1300  men,  he  associated  himself 
with  Brandt  and  other  Indian  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations, 
and  appeared  upon  the  Susquehannah  in  the  beginning 
of  July,  1778."  The  story  of  the  fall  and  Massacre  of 
Wyoming  is  told  in  every  history  of  the  revolution, 
but  I  shall  refer  the  reader  to  that  of  Dr.  Gordon.* 

From  Weld's  travels  in  America,  soon  after  the 
Revolution,  I  extract  as  follows  concerning  Brandt. 
"  With  a  considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the 
forces  under  the  command  of  sir  John  Johnson.  A 
skirmish  took  place  with  a  body  of  American  troops ; 
the  action  was  warm,  and  Brandt  was  shot  by  a  mus 
ket  ball  in  his  heel,  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end  were 
defeated,  and  an  officer  with  60  men,  were  taken  pris 
oners.  The  officer,  after  having  delivered  up  his  sword, 
had  entered  into  conversation  with  sir  John  Johnson, 
who  commanded  the  British  troops,  and  they  were 
talking  together  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  when 
Brandt,  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid  the  Amer 
ican  officer  low  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk.  The 
indignation  of  sir  John  Johnson,  as  may  be  readily  sup 
posed,  was  roused  by  such  an  act  of  treachery,  and  he 
resented  it  in  the  warmest  terms.  Brandt  listened  to 
him  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished,  told 
him,  that  he  was  sorry  for  his  displeasure,  but  that,  in 
deed,  his  heel  was  extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and  he 

*  But  the  critical  reader,  may  be  very  properly  directed  to 
an  account  published  in  the  Worcester  Magazine,  written  in 
a  humorous  and  neat  style. 


BRANDT.  67 

could  not  help  revenging  himself  on  the  only  chief  of  the 
party  that  he  saw  taken." 

The  famous  poem,  •  Gertrude  of  Wyoming,  often  re 
calls  to  our  social  circles,  the  recollection  of  Brandt. 
But  it  is  as  hard  to  find  excuse  for  the  author's  putting  the 
words  of  Logan  into  his  hero's  mouth,  in  one  of  the 
stanzas,  as  for  a  modern  tragedy  writer,  those  of  Nan- 
untenoh  into  the  mouth  of  Philip.  However,  as  it  is  a 
beautiful  stanza  in  other  respects,  I  will  not  withhold 
it  from  the  reader. 

"  Scorning  to  wield  the  hatchet  for  his  bride, 

'Gainst  Brandt  himself,  I  want  to  battle  forth  : 

Accursed  Brandt .'  he  left  of  all  my  tribe 

Nor  man  nor  child,  nor  thing  of  living  birth : 

No  !  riot  the  dog,  that  watched  my  household  hearth, 

Escaped  that  night  of  blood, upon  our  plains! 

All  perished  !  I  alone  am  left  on  Earth  ! 

To  whom  nor  relation  nor  blood  remains; 

No  ! — not  a  kindred  drop  that  runs  in  human  veins  !" 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  a  son  of  Brandt,  has 
contradicted  much  of  what  has  been  said  and  written 
about  his  father.  But  what  his  assertions  are  we  know 
not ;  none  of  them  having  ever  come  to  our  know 
ledge,  but  in  general  terms. 

Whatever  treachery  or  barbarity  attaches  itself  to 
the  name  of  Brandt,  the  friend  of  the.  Indian  has  the 
consolation  that  he  was  but  a  half  blood,  br  in  other 
words,  that  he  was  but  half  Indian. 

At  the  massacre  of  Wyoming,  col.  Robert  Dur/kee, 
whose  name  was  for  several  years  before  conspicuous 
in  the  French  war,  was  tortured  in  the  most  horrid 
manner.  The  Indians  held  him  in  the  fire  with  pitch 
forks  until  he  expired.  But  whether  col.  Brandt  or 
col.  Butler  presided  upon  the  occasion  we  are  not  in 
formed. 

King  George  conferred  on  Brandt  a  fine  tract  of  land 


68  BULL. 

on  the  west  shore  of  lake  Ontariejas  a  reward  for  his 
military  services,  where  a  son  and  daughter  were  very 
recently  living,  in  the  English  style  ;  but  their  mother 
would  never  conform  to  this  mode  of  life.  Brandt  was 
a  man  of  some  learning,  and  translated  a  prayerbook 
and  some  of  the  bible  into  Indian  ;  copies  of  which 
may  be  seen  in  the  library  of  Harvard  College. 

Bull)  (capt.)  a  chief  among  the  Wabash  tribe, 
who  when  gens.  Scott  and  Wilkinson  were  sent  into 
that  country  in  1791,  did  by  his  warriness,  save 
many  of  his  people  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Americans.  He  discovered  the  army  at  a  considera 
ble  distance,  and  before  they  could  come  up,  himself 
and  nearly  all  his  people,  escaped  across  the  Wabash. 
In  one  house,  however,  a  detachment  of  40  men  killed 
two  warriors !  At  another  town  a  little  higher  up  the 
river,  they  fell  upon  the  inhabitants  as  they  were  em 
barking  in  their  canoes.  How  many  they  killed  in 
this  situation  is  not  distinctly  stated,  but  they  "  de 
stroyed  all  the  savages  with  which  five  canoes  were 
crowded."  The  river  here  being  not  fordable  to  the 
Americans,  gave  many  an  opportunity  of  escape.  A 
detachment  at  the  same  time  surprised  a  neighboring 
village,  killed  6  warriors  and  took  52  prisoners ;  most 
ly  women  and  children.  About  ]  8  miles  farther  up,  at 
the  mouth  of  Eel  river,  a  detachment  burnt  the  town 
of  Kethlipecanunk,  and  had  a  skirmish  with  a  few 
warriors,  in  which  three  whites  were  wounded,  but  we 
hear  of  none  on  the  other  side.  Some  French  people 
lived  here  with  the  Indians,  as  they  ascertained  by  ma 
ny  French  books  and  letters  which  they  found  in  the 
houses.  The  village  contained  "about  70  houses, 
many  of  them  well  finished." 

The  army,  after  releasing  16  prisoners,  who  were 
unable  to  travel,  by  whom  a  proclamation  was  sent  to 


BULL-HEAD.  69 

the  Wabash  tribes,  decamped  and  left  the  country. 
Thus  ended  the  expedition  of  general  Scott ;  in  which 
not  a  white  man  was  killed,  and  but  five  wounded." 
"Thirty-two,  chiefly  warriors  of  size  and  figure,"  were 
killed,  and  fifty-eight  taken  prisoners. 

jBllllet)  (captain.)  A  Seneca  chief,  was  known 
by  this  name  in  1791.  His  depredations,  added  to 
those  of  many  others,  was  the  cause  of  the  unfortu 
nate  expeditions  afterwards,  of  Harmer  and  St.  Clair. 
This  chief,  on  the  22d  March,  in  that  year,  led  a  par 
ty  of  his  warriors  to  a  frontier  settlement  on  the  Alle- 
gany  river,  in  Pennsylvania,  opposite  to  a  small  island, 
called  Owen's  island,  where  Bullet,  with  five  of  his 
men  went  into  the  house  of  one  Mr.  Cutwright,  in  a 
friendly  manner,  and  requested  some  victuals,  which 
the  family  immediately  gave  them.  When  they  had 
finished  eating,  capt.  Bullet  told  Mr.  Cutwright  he  must 
give  him  his  gun,  and  on  meeting  with  a  refusal,  raised 
his  tomahawk  and  gave  Cutwright  such  a  blow,  that 
he  instantly  fell  dead.  By  this  time  a  son  of  Cut 
wright  having  provided  himself  with  an  axe,  struck  at 
and  killed  Bullet.  Upon  this  a  second  Indian  laid 
young  Cutwright  dead  with  his  tomahawk.  The  affray 
had  alarmed  the  neighborhood,  and  others  were  en 
gaged  on  both  sides.  No  more  of  the  whites  appear 
to  have  been  killed,  but  two  of  Bullet's  company  were 
added  to  the  former  number,  and  the  Indians,  to  the 
number  of  14,  made  their  escape  into  the  woods,  and 
the  few  scattered  settlers  retired  for  a  time  to  the  lower 
settlements. 

tSull-head.,  chief  of  the  lower  Seminoles,  no-  4 
ticed  for  the  sake  of  exhibiting  a  custom  of  surprising 
barbarity.  He  had  escaped  the  ravages  of  war,  car 
ried  on  by  the  Americans  against  them  for  several 
years  previous  to  and  during  1818,  and  lived  in  a  place 
6 


70  CANASSATEGO. 

of  security,  enjoying  the  rich  plunder  he  had  wrested 
from  his  enemies.  In  June  of  this  year,  1818,  he 
died,  and  agreeable  to  his  direction,  four  beautiful  hor 
ses,  and  a  negro  man  for  whom  he  had  great  attach- 
.  ment  while  living,  were  burned  as  sacrifices  upon  the 
occasion. 

ISusltCMg'j  a  Pequot,  who  in  the  time  of  the 
first  settlement  of  Connecticut,  made  an  attempt  to 
murder  some  of  the  people  of  the  town  of  Stamford, 
and  although  he  did  not  succeed,  yet  the  English 
offered  a  reward  for  the  intended  murderer,  and  he 
was  shortly  after  apprehended  by  one  of  his  own  na 
tion  and  delivered  up  to  the  English,  who  put  him  to 
death  at  New  Haven. 

Caleb ,  a  Punkapog,  one  of  those  called  praying 
Indians,  but  who  had  become  disaffected,  as  was  often 
the  case  among  those  professing  Christianity.  This 
Caleb  being  detected  in  attempting  to  run  away  to  join 
the  Narragansets  with  another  man's  wife,  about  the 
commencement  of  Philip's  war,  fled  into  the  woods, 
and  was  taken  soon  after,  and  delivered  to  the  English, 
who  closely  confined  him;  his  fate  is  unknown,  but 
doubtless  the  fate  of  a  slave  in  a  distant  land  was  his. 

CanaSSOtegO)  aMengwe  chief  of  the  Six  Na 
tions.  In  1742,  there  arose  a  dispute  between  the 
Delawares  and  the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  rela 
tive  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware. 
The  English  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase, 
and  the  Delawares  persisted  in  their  claim,  and  threat 
ened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be  given  up  by  the 
whites.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to 
the  Six  Nations,  and  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  *ent 
deputies  to  them  to  notify  them  of  the  trouble,  that 
they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  Canassatego  appeared  in  Philadelphia 


CANASSATEGO. 


71 


with  230  warriors.  He  observed  to  the  governor, 
"that  they  saw  the  Delawares  had  been  an  unruly 
people,  and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong  ;  that  they 
had  concluded  to  remove  them,  and  oblige  them  to  go 
over  the  river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any  lands 
on  this  side  for  the  future,  since  they  had  received  pay 
for  them,  and  it  is  gone  through  their  guts  long  ago. 
They  deserved,  he  said,  to  be  taken  by  the  hair  of  the 
head,  and  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their 
senses,  and  became  sober;  that  he  had  seen  with  his 
own  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  their  ancestors 
above  fifty  years  ago  for  this  very  land,  and  a  release 
signed  not  many  years  since,  by  some  of  themselves, 
and  chiefs  yet  living,  (and  then  present)  to  the  number 
of  15  and  upwards ;  but  how  came  you  (addressing 
himself  to  the  Delawares  present,)  to  take  upon  you  to 
sell  land  at  all  ?  We  conquered  you  ;  we  made  wo 
men  of  you  ;  you  know  you  are  women  ;  and  can  no 
more  sell  land  than  women ;  nor  is  it  fit  you  should, 
have  the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse 
it.  This  land  you  claim  is  gone  through  your  guts  ; 
you  have  been  furnished  with  clothes,  meat  and  drink, 
by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it 
again,  like  children  as  you  are.  But  what  makes  you 
sell  lands  in  the  dark  ?  Did  you  ever  tell  us  that  you 
had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  we  ever  receive  any  part, 
even  the  value  of  a  pipe  shank,  from  you,  for  it  ?  You 
have  told  us  a  blind  story,  that  you  sent  a  messenger  to 
us,  to  inform  us  of  the  sale ;  but  he  never  came 
amongst  us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  any  thing  about  it. 
This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and  very  different  fro/n  the 
conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land. 
On  such  occasions  they  give  public  notice,  and  invite 
all  the  Indians  of  their  united  nations,  and  give  them 
all  a  share  of  the  presents  they  receive  for  their  lands. 


7*  CANONCHET. 

This  is  the  behaviour  of  the  wise  united  nations.  But 
we  find  you  are  none  of  our  blood ;  you  act  a  dishon 
est  part,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other  matters ;  your 
ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  your 
brethren.  For  all  these  reasons,  we  charge  you  to  re 
move  instantly  ;  we  dont  give  you  liberty  to  think  about  it. 
You  are  women."  They  dared  not  disobey  this  com 
mand,  and  soon  after  removed,  some  to  Wyoming  and 
Shamokin,  and  some  to  the  Ohio.* 

When  Canassatego  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  in  1744,  holding  a  talk  about  their  affairs  with  the 
governor,  he  was  informed  that  the  English  had  beaten 
the  French,  in  some  important  battle.  "  Well,"  said  he 
"if  that  be  the  case,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal 
of  rum  from  them,  and  can  afford  to  give  us  some, 
that  we  may  rejoice  with  you."  Accordingly  a  glass 
was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a  French 
glass,  f 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania 
for  a  succession  of  Indian  wars,  although  there  have 
been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormities  committed 
among  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years, 
their  historic  page,  is  very  clear  of  such  records,  name 
ly,  from  1682,  the  arrival  of  William  Penn,  until  the 
French  war  of  1755. 

CnttOttchct «  °r  by  some  Quanonshet,  was  son  of 
Miantunomoh.  Canonchet  was  the  last  name  by  which 
he  was  known  ;  that  of  Nanuntenoo  he  bore  some  time 
previous  to  Philip's  war.  He  was  a  famous  warrior, 
and  commanded  in  the  fight  when  capt.  Michael  Pierce, 

*  Gordon's  Pa.  A  very  pleasantstory  is  told  of  Canassate 
go  by  Dr.  Franklin,  but  is  too  long  to  be  here  inserted,  and  is 
or  ought  to  be  in  the  hands  of  every  person.  It  is  printed  in 
the  common  edition  of  his  life. 

t  Colden's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii,  142. 


CANONCHET.  73 

of  Scituate,  and  his  company  were  cut  off  at  Patuxet, 
in  Rhode  Island.  He  was,  says  Dr.  Trumbull,  an  "  in 
heritor  of  all  his  father's  pride,  and  of  his  insolence  and 
hatred  towards  the  English." 

The  "  sore  defeat"  of  capt.  Pierce,  and  the  tide  of 
the  enemies  previous  success,  caused  the  united  colo 
nies  to  send  forth  all  the  strength  they  could  raise.  The 
fight  at  Patuxet  was  on  Sunday,  the  26th  of  March, 
1676,  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  Canonchet, 
with  many  of  his  men,  atoned  by  their  lives  for  the 
loss  of  the  English.  During  the  winter  of  1675,  Ca- 
nonchet  took  up  his  abode  far  into  the  country  of  the 
Nipmucks.  He  came  down  early  in  the  spring  to 
collect  seed  corn  for  the  purpose  of  planting  the  de 
serted  settlements  of  the  English  upon  Connecticut 
river.  It  was  in  this  service  that  his  scouts  discovered 
and  watched  the  movements  of  capt.  Piercers  compa 
ny,  and  fell  upon  them  at  such  great  advantage.  Short 
ly  after  this,  capt.  George  Denison  of  Southerton,*  with 
a  considerable  body  of  English,  and  a  large  number  of 
Pequot  and  Mohegan  Indians,  came  upon  Canonchet 
near  Patucket  river.  They  first  took  a  squaw  belong 
ing  to  his  company,  who  informed  them  whore  Canon 
chet  was.  He  was  nearly  surrounded  in  his  wigwam, 
when  one  of  his  men  apprised  him  of  the  approach  of 
the  English,  and  he  instantly  fled  with  great  precipi 
tation.  A  friendly  Indian  by  the  name  of  Catapazet, 
discovering  him  as  he  fled,  knew  him  and  pursued  him 
with  all  the  speed  he  was  master  of.  Several  others 

*  Since,  Stonington,  in  Connecticut.  He  lived  near  Mystic 
river  in  1(558,  and  was  the  chief  officer  in  the  place, -civil, 
military,  or  ecclesiastical.  Possibly  some  future  historian  may 
ask  the  editors  of  the  Connecticut  Gazetteer,  who  pretend 
to  give  biographical  notices  of  the  most  eminent  men  jn  the 
towns,  what  they  have  done  with  capt.  George  Denison. 


74  CANONCHET. 

who  were  very  swift  of  foot,  joined  in  the  pursuit. 
When  pressed  to  great  extremity,  he  threw  off  his 
blanket,  and  again  as  they  neared  him,  his  silver  laced 
coat,  which  was,  some  time  before  the  war,  given  him 
at  Boston,  when  he  made  a  treaty  with  the  English.  A 
doubt  no  longer  remained  with  his  pursuers,  as  to  the 
certainty  that  it  was  Canonchet,  which  gave  them  new 
ardor  in  the  pursuit ;  yet  it  seemed  very  doubtful 
whether  they  would  be  able  to  overtake  him ;  and  but 
for  an  accident  was  hardly  probable.  As  he  was  cross 
ing  the  river,  his  foot  slipped  upon  a  stoney  which 
brought  him  into  a  deep  place,  and  his  gun  under 
water,  and  he  lost  so  much  time  in  recovering  himself, 
that  one  of  the  foremost  of  his  pursuers,  a  Pequot 
named  Monopoide,  came  up  and  seized  upon  him,  as 
he  was  flying  upon  the  opposite  shore,  and  within  30 
rods  of  it.  Canonchet  made  no  resistance,  although  he 
was  a  man  or  great  physical  strength,  and  acknowl 
edged  bravery,  and  the  one  who  seized  him  very  ordin 
ary  in  that  respect.  Robert  Stanton,  a  young  man,  was 
the  first  Englishman  who  came  up.  He  asked  the 
captured  chief  some  questions,  who  appeared  at  first  to 
regard  him  with  silent  indignity,  but  at  length  casting  a 
disdainful  look  upon  him,  said  in  broken  English,  "you 
too  much  child:  no  understand  matters  of  war:  let 
your  captain  come,  him  I  will  answer."  "  Acting 
herein,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "  as  if  by  a  Pythagorean 
metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had  possessed 
the  body  of  this  western  pagan  ;  and  like  Attilius  Reg- 
ulus,*  he  would  not  accept  of  his  own  life,  when  it 
was  tendered  him,"  on  condition  that  he  would  make 
peace  with  the  English,  observing  that  he  knew  his 
men  would  not  submit.  But  the  true  cause  no  doubt 
was,  his  considering  such  an  act  contrary  to  his  dignity. 

*  Marcus  Attilius  Regulus,  a  Roman  Consul. 


75 

For  he  had  said  before  that  "  he  would  not  deliver  up  a 
Wampanoag,  or  the  pearing  of  a  Wampanoags  nail ; 
that  he  would  burn  the  English  alive  in  their  houses." 
This  his  captors  now  reminded  him  of,  and  he  made 
no  other  answer,  but  this,  "  others  were  as  forward  for 
the  war  as  I,"  and  he  desired  to  hear  no  more  of  it 
When  he  was  told  that  he  must  die,  he  said,  "  he  liked 
it  well ;  that  he  should  die  before  his  heart  was  soft,  or 
had  spoken  any  thing  unworthy  of  himself."  He  was 
taken  to  Stonington,  where  he  was  shot  by  some  of  the 
Pequots  and  Mohegans.  His  head  was  cut  off  and 
sent  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire.  At 
the  time  he  was  taken,  there  were  killed  and  captured 
forty  three  others.* 

CanontCWSj  t  the  great  Sachem  of  the  Narra- 
gansets.  He  was  contemporary  with  Miantunnomoh 
who  was  his  nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  his 
birth,  but  a  son  of  his  was  at  Boston  the  next  year 
after  it  was  settled,  1631.  But  the  time  of  his  death 
is  minutely  recorded  by  gov.  Winthrop  in  his  "  Jour 
nal,"  thus:  "June  4,  1647.  Canonicus,  the  great  Sa 
chem  of  Narraganset,  died,  a  very  old  man."  He  is 
mentioned  with  great  respect  by  Rev.  Roger  Williams^ 
in  the  year  1654.  After  observing  that  many  hundreds 
of  the  English  were  witnesses  to  the  friendly  disposi 
tion  of  the  Narragansets,  says,  "  Their  late  famous 

*  Manuscript  documents. 

t  A  name  probably  conferred  on  him  by  the  English.  Ot 
perhaps  it  came  nearest  to  the  sound  of  the  Indian  word.  The 
Philologists  of  that  day  might  have  raised  an  argument  in 
favor  of  their  having  descended  from  the  Latins  upon  it,  if  it 
were  really  Indian.  There  was  a  great  poet,  orator  and  art 
ist,  friar  of  Trinity  Church,  London,  in  the  year  1200,  sur- 
named  Canonicus,  mentioned  by  Hakluyt.  as  having  travelled 
into  Palestine,  &c.  Voyages,  II,  30,  ed.  1599. 

\  Manuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts, 


76  CANONICUS. 

longlived  Caunonicus  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same 
most  honorable  manner  and  solemnity,  (in  their  way) 
as  you  laid  to  sleep  your  prudent  peace-maker,  Mr. 
Winthrop,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and  peace 
able  prince  ;  yea  through  all  their  towns  and  countries 
how  frequently  do  many,  and  oft  times,  our  English 
men  travel  alone  with  safety  and  loving  kindness?" 

When  Mr.  John  Oldham  was  killed  near  Block 
island,  and  an  investigation  set  on  foot  by  the  English 
to  ascertain  the  murderers,  they  were  fully  satisfied 
that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  had  no  hand  in  the 
affair,  but  that  "the  six  other  Narraganset  Sachems 
had."  It  is  no  wonder  that  he  should  have  taken 
great  offence  at  the  conduct  of  the  English  concerning 
the  death  of  Miantunnomoh.  The  Warwick  settlers  con 
sidered  it  a  great  piece  of  injustice,  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Gorton  wrote  a  letter  for  Canonicus  to  the  government 
of  Massachusetts,  notifying  them  that  he  had  resolved 
to  be  revenged  upon  the  Mohegans.  Upon  this  the  En 
glish  despatched  messengers  to  Narraganset  to  inquire 
of  Canonici^s  whether  he  authorized  the  letter.  He 
treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not  admit 
them  into  his  wigwam  for  the  space  of  two  hours  after 
their  arrival,  although  it  was  very  rainy.  When  they 
were  admitted,  he  frowned  upon  them,  and  gave  them 
answers  foreign  to  the  purpose,  and  referred  them  to 
Pessacus.  This  was  a  very  cold  reception,  compared 
with  that  which  the  messengers  met  with  when  sent  to 
him  for  information  respecting  the  death  of  Mr.  Old- 
ham.  "They  returned  with  acceptance  and  good 
success  of  their  business;  observing  in  the  Sachem 
much  state,  great  command  of  his  men,  and  marvel 
lous  wisdom  in  his  answers  ;  and  in  the  carriage  of  the 
whole  treaty  clearing  himself  and  his  neighbors  of  the 
murder,  and  offering  reyenge  of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe 
and  wary  conditions." 


CANONICUS.  77 

This  Sachem  is  said  to  have  governed  in  great  harmony 
with  his  nephew.  "  The  chiefest  government  in  the 
country  is  d  ivided  between  a  younger  Sachem,  Miantunn- 
nanu,  and  an  elder  Sachem,  Caunaunacus,  of  about  four 
score  years  old,  this  young  man's  uncle ;  and  their 
agreement  in  the  government  is  remarkable.  The  old 
Sachem  will  not  be  offended  at  what  the  young  Sa 
chem  doth  ;  and  the  young  Sachem  will  not  do  what  he 
conceives  will  displease  his  uncle."* 

We  have  yet  to  go  a  step  back  to  relate  some  mat 
ters  of  much  interest  in  the  history  of  this  chief.  It  is 
related  by  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  in  his  "  Good  news  from 
New  England,!  that  in  February,  1622,  O.  S.,  Canon- 
icus  sent  into  Plimouth,  by  one  of  his  men,  a  bundle 
of  arrows  bound  with  a  rattlesnakes  skin,  and  there 
left  them,  and  retired.  When  Squantum  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  circumstance,  he  told  the  English 
that  it  was  a  challenge  for  war.  Governor  Bradford 
took  the  rattlesnake's  skin,  and  filled  it  with  powder 
and  shot  and  returned  it  to  Canonicus ;  at  the  same 
time  instructing  the  messenger  to  bid  him  defiance, 
and  invite  him  to  a  trial  of  strength.  The  messenger, 
and  his  insulting  carriage,  had  the  desired  effect 
upon  Canonicus,  for  he  would  not  receive  the 
skin,  and  it  was  cast  out  of  every  community  of  them, 
until  it  at  last  was  returned  to  Plimouth,  and  all  its 
contents.  This  was  a  demonstration  that  he  was 
awed  into  silence  and  respect  of  the  English." 

In  a  grave  assembly,  upon  a  certain  occasion,  Ca- 
'nonicus  thus  addressed  Roger  Williams,  "  I  have  never 
suffered  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the  English  since 
they  landed,  nor  never  will ;"  and  often  repeated  the 
word  Wunnaumwaycan,  which  signified  faithfulness. 
"  If  the  Englishman  speak  true,  if  he  mean  truly,  then 

*  Col.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Vol.  I.     t  Col.  Mas.  His.  Soc.  VIIL 


78 


CANONICUS. 


shall  I  go  to  my  grave  in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  En 
glish  and  my  posterity  shall  live  in  love  and  peace 
together." 

In  1635,  Rev.  Roger  Williams  found  Canonicus  and 
Miantunnomoh  carrying  on  a  bloody  war  against  the 
Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an  end  was  put  to 
it,  and  all  the  Sachems  grew  much  into  his  favor  ;  es 
pecially  Canonicus,  whose  "  heart  he  says,  was  stirred 
up  to  love  me  as  his  son  to  his  last  gasp."  He  sold  the 
island  of  Rhode  Island  to  William  Coddington,  Roger 
Williams,  and  others.  A  son  of  Canonicus,  named 
Mriksah  is  named  by  Williams,  as  inheriting  his  father's 
spirit.* 

There  was  another  chief  of  the  same  name,  in  Phil 
ip's  war,  which  Mr.  Hubbard  denominates  "  the  great 
Sachem  of  the  Narragansets,"  and  who,  "  distrusting 
the  proffers  of  the  English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by 
the  Mohawks,  his  squaw  surrendering  herself:  by  this 
means  her  life  was  spared." 

In  1632,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narragansets 
and  the  Pequots,  on  account  of  disputed  right  to  the 
lands  between  Paucatuck  river  and  Wecapang  brook.f 
It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  consequence,  being  about 
ten  miles  wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus 
drew  along  with  him,  besides  his  own  men,  several  of 
the  Massachusetts  Sagamores.  This  was  maintained 
with  ferocity  and  various  success,  until  1635,  when 
the  Pequots  were  driven  from  it,  but  who,  it  would 
seem,  considered  themselves  but  little  worsted ;  for 

*  Manuscript  letter. 

t  "  The  natives  are  very  exact  and  punctual  in  the  bounds 
of  their  lands,  belonging  to  this  or  that  prince  or  people,  even 
to  a  river,  brook,  &c.  And  I  have  known  them  make  bargain 
and  sale  amongst  themselves,  for  a  small  piece,  or  quantity  of 
ground  ;  notwithstanding  a  sinful  opinion  amongst  many, 
that  Christians  have  right  to  heathen's  lands."  R.  Williams. 


CASSASSINAMON.  79 

Canonicus  doubting  his  ability  to  hold  possession  long, 
and  ashamed  to  have  it  retaken  from  him,  made  a 
present  of  it  to  one  of  his  captains,  who  had  fought 
heroically  in  conquering  it ;  but  he  never  held  posses 
sion.  This  captain,  Sochoso,  was  a  Pequot,  but  desert 
ing  from  them,  espoused  the  cause  of  Canonicus,  and 
was  made  a  chief. 

Cassassinnamon ,  a  noted  Narraganset  chief, 
of  whom  we  have  some  account  as  early  as  1659. 
In  that  year  a  difficulty  arose  about  the  limits  of 
Southerton,  since  called  Stonington,  in  Connecticut, 
and  several  English  were  sent  to  settle  the  difficulty, 
which  was  concerning  the  location  of  Wekapauge. 
"  For  to  help  us  (they  say)  to  understand  where  We 
kapauge  is,  we  desired  some  Poquatucke  Indians  to  go 
with  us."  Cassassinnamon  was  one  who  assisted. 
They  told  the  English  that  "  Cashawasset,  (the  governor 
of  Wekapauge)  did  charge  them  that  they  should  not 
go  any  further  than  the  east  side  of  a  little  swamp, 
near  the  east  end  of  the  first  great  pond,  where  they 
did  pitch  down  a  stake,  and  told  us  [the  English]  that 
Cashaivasset  said  that  that  very  place  was  Wekapauge  ; 
said  that  he  said  it  and  not  them  ;  and  if  they  should 
say  that  Wekapauge  did  go  any  further,  Cashawasset 
would  be  angry."  Cashawasset  was  a  Pequot,  and  after 
this  had  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  him,  8000 
acres  of  land  in  the  Pequot  country,  with  the  provision 
that  they  continued  subjects  of  Massachusetts,  and 
"  shall  not  sell  or  alienate  the  said  lands  or  any  part 
thereof,  to  any  English  man  or  men,  without  this 
courts  approbation." 

The  neck  of  land  called  Quinicuntauge  was  claim 
ed  by  both  parties,  but  Cassassinnamon  said  that  when  a 
whale  was  sometime  before  cast  ashore  there,  no  one 
disputed  Cashawassets  claim  to  it,  which  it  is  believed 


80  CAUNBITANT. 

settled  the  question:     Cashawasset  was  known  gener- 
erally  by  the  name  of  Harmon  Garret.  * 

We  next  meet  with  Cassassinnamon  in  Philip's  war, 
in  which  he  commanded  a  company  of  Pequots,  and 
accompanied  capt.  'Denison  in  his  successful  career, 
and  aided  much  in  the  capture  of  Canonchet.} 

CttMnbitMHt,  or  Corbitant,  a  distinguished  chief 
in  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  whose  resi 
dence  was  at  a  place  called  Mettapoiset,  in  the  present 
town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  much  the  same 
as  that  of  the  famous  Metacomet.  The  English  were  al 
ways  viewed  by  him  as  intruders  and  enemies  of  his 
race,  and  there  is  little  doubt  but  he  intended  to  wrest 
the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  first  occasion. 
When  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  John  Hamden  went 
to  visit  Massasoit  in  his  sickness,  in  1623,  they  heard  by 
some  Indians,  when  near  Corbitants  residence,  that 
Massasoit  was  really  dearl,  they  therefore,  though  with 
much  hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  they 
might  treat  with  him,  he  being  then  thought  the  suc 
cessor  of  Massasoit.  But  he  was  not  at  his  place. 
The  squaw  Sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with  great 
kindness,  and  learning  here  that  Massasoit  was  still 
alive,  they  made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket.  When  they 
returned,  they  stayed  all  night  with  Corbitant,  at  his 
house,  who  accompanied  them  there  from  Massasoifs. 
"  By  the  way  (says  Mr.  Winslow)  I  had  much  confer 
ence  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a 
notable  politician,  yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs, 
and  never  better  pleased  than  when  the  like  are  re 
turned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things  he 
asked  me,  if  in  case  Tie  were  thus  dangerously  sick,  as 
Massasoit  had  been,  and  should  send  word  thereof  to 

*  Several  manuscript  documents.        t   Hubbard. 


CAONBITANT.  81 

Patuxet  (their  name  of  Plimouth)  for  maskiest,  [that  is 
physic,]  whether  their  master  governor  would  send  it  ? 
and  if  he  would  whether  I  would  come  therewith  to 
him  ?  To  both  which  I  answered,  yea  ;  whereat  he 
gave  me  many  joyful  thanks."  He  then  expressed  his 
surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  adventure  so  far 
alone  into  their  country,  and  asked  them  if  they  were 
not  afraid.  Mr.  Winsloiv  said,  "  where  was  true  love, 
there  was  no  fear."  "  But,"  said  Corbitant,  "  if  your  love 
be  such,  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits,  how  cometh  it 
to  pass,  that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand  up 
on  your  guard,  with  the  mouth  of  your  pieces  present 
ed  towards  us  ?"  Mr.  Winslow  told  him  that  was  a 
mark  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best 
friends  in  that  manner ;  but  to  this  he  shook  his  head, 
and  answered,  that  he  did  not  like  such  salutations.* 

Previous  to  what  has  just  been  related,  in  the  year 
1621,  the  English  heard  that  Massasoit  had  been  taken 
by  the  Narragansets,  and  wishing  to  learn  the  truth  of 
the  report,  sent  Squanto  and  Hobbomok  to  Namasket, 
where  they  understood  Corbitant  was  trying  to  influ 
ence  the  people  against  the  English  ;  "storming  at  the 
peace  between  Nauset,  Cummaquid  and  us,  and  Tis- 
quantum  [the  same  as  Squanto]  the  worker  of  it."  At 
Namasket,  as  they  were  in  a  house,  they  were  sudden 
ly  set  upon  by  Corbitant  who  seized  them,  but  Hobbo 
mok  being  a  stout  man,  broke  from  thema  while  Cor 
bitant  held  a  knife  at  the  breast  of  Squanto,  and  brought 
news  to  Plimouth  that  Squanto  was  dead.  Immedi 
ately  upon  this,  capt.  Standish,  with  ten  men,  proceed 
ed  with  warlike  parade  to  Namasket,  beset  a  house  m 
which  they  expected  to  find  Corbitant,  but  he  had  made 
his  escape.  As  some  were  flying  from  the  house  the 
English  fired  upon  them  and  wounded  several,  but  by 

*  Good  News  from  N.  England.  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc. 


82  CHIKATAUBUT. 

the  help  of  Hobbomok  they  conciliated  many,  though 
they  could  learn  nothing  of  Corbitant,  only  that  he  was 
fled  with  many  others  whom  he  had  made  believe  that 
the  English  would  murder  them.  Hobbomok  got  up 
on  the  top  of  the  house  and  called  for  Squanto  and 
Tokamahamon,  who  soon  came  with  a  company  of 
others.  The  English  now  returned  to  Plimouth,  taking 
along  with  them  two  of  those  they  had  wounded,  to 
heal  them  ;  at  the  same  time  leaving  such  threats 
against  Corbitant,  which  together  with  their  conduct, 
struck  them  with  such  fear  and  dread  of  them,  that  he 
interceded  with  Massasoit  and  became  friendly  again, 
in  appearance,  but  was  always  suspected  by  the  En 
glish. 

Chikataubut*  or  Chikkatabak,  a  Sachem  of 
considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had 
dominion  over  the  Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas 
Morton  mentions  him  in  his  New  Canaan,  as  Sachem 
of  Passonagesit  (about  Weymouth,)  and  says  his  moth 
er  was  buried  there.  I  need  make  no  comments  upon 
the  authority,  or  warn  the  reader  concerning  the 
stories  of  Morton,  as  this  is  done  in  almost  every  book, 
early  and  late,  about  New  England  ;  but  shall  relate 
the  following  from  him. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company 
in  wandering  about  upon  discovery,  came  upon  an 
Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  the  mother  of  Chik- 
ataubut.  Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  the  ground, 
and  two  huge  bear  skins  sewed  together,  spread  over 
it ;  these  the  English  took  away.  When  this  came  to 
the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut  he  complained  to  his 
people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When 
they  were  assembled,  he  thus  harangued  them  :  "  When 
last  the  glorious  light  of  all  the  sky  was  underneath 
this  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I  began  to  settle, 


CHIKATAUBUT.  83 

as  my  custom  is,  to  take  repose ;  before  mine  eyes 
were  fast  closed,  me  tho't  I  saw  a  vision,  at  which  my 
spirit  was  much  troubled,  and  trembling  at  that  dole 
ful  sight,  a  spirit  cried  aloud,  «  Behold  !  my  son,  whom 
I  have  cherished,  see  the  paps  that  gave  thee  suck,  the 
hands  that  clasped  thee  warm,  and  fed  thee  oft,  canst 
thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of  those  wild  people,  that 
hath  my  monument  defaced  in  a  despiteful  manner ; 
disdaining  our  ancient  antiquities,  and  honorable  cus 
toms  :  See  now  the  Sachem's  grave  lies  like  unto  the 
common  people,  of  ignoble  race  defaced :  Thy  mother 
doth  complain,  implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish 
people  new  come  hither  ;  if  this  be  suffered,  I  shall 
not  rest  in  quiet  within  my  everlasting  habitation.'"  f 

Battle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English 
were  watched,  and  followed  from  place  to  place,  until 
at  length  as  some  were  going  ashore  in  a  boat,  they  fell 
upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  After  maintaining 
the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to 
tree,  the  chief  captain  was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and 
the  whole  took  to  flight.  This  action  caused  the  na 
tives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  English  as  in 
vincible,  and  was  the  reason  peace  so  long  after  was 
maintained. 

Mourt's  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  the  main  facts 
in  the  above  account.  "  We  brought  sundry  of  the 
prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  covered  the  corpse 
up  again,"  says  Mourt,  and,  "  there  was  variety  of 
opinions  amongst  us  about  the  embalmed  person,"  but 
no  mention  of  the  bear  skins. 

From  the  agreement  of  the  different  accounts,  there 
is  but  little  doubt  that  the  English  were  attacked  at 

f  If  this  be  fiction,  a  modern  compiler  may  have  deceived 
some  of  his  readers.  The  article  in  the  Analectic  Magazine 
may  have  been  his  source  of  information,  but  the  whole  may 
be  seen  in  Morton's  New  Canaan,  106  and  107. 


84  CHIKATAUBUT. 

Narnskekit,  in  consequence  of  their  depredations  upon 
the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  1621,  Chikataubut,  with  eight  other  Sachems, 
acknowledged,  by  a  written  instrument,  themselves  the 
subjects  of  King  James.  About  ten  years  after  tkis, 
when  Boston  was  settled,  he  visited  gov.  Winthrop, 
and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many 
of  "his  samops  and  squaws"  came  with  him,  but 
were  most  of  them  sent  away  « after  they  had  all 
dined;"  Chikataubut,  probably  fearing  they v  would 
be  burdensome,  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and 
the  governor  urged  their  stay.  At  this  time  he  wore 
English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  governor's  table,  "  where 
he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englishman." 
Not  long  after  he  called  on  gov.  Winthrop  and  desired 
to  buy  clothes  for  himself,  the  governor  informed  him 
that  "  English  Sagamores  did  not  use  to  truck  ;*  but 
he  called  his  tailor  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a 
suit  of  clothes  ;  whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two 
large  skins  of  coat  beaver."  In  a  few  days  his  clothes 
were  ready,  and  the  gov.  "  put  him  into  a  very  good 
new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  be 
fore  them  ;  but  he  would  not  eat  till  the  gov.  had 
given  thanks,  and  after  meat  he  desired  him  to  do  .the 
like,  and  so  departed." 

June  14,  1631,  at  a  court,  Chikataubut  was  ordered 
to  pay  a  small  skin  of  beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his 
men's  having  killed  a  pig,  which  he  complied  with.. 
A  man  by  the  name  of  Plastowe,  and  some  others, 
having  stolen  corn  from  him,  the  court,  Sept.  27, 
'31.  ordered  that  Plastowe  should  restore  "two  fold" 
and  loose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and  pay  £5.  This  I 
suppose  they  deemed  equivalent  to  four  fold.  His 

*  However  true  this  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at 
lest,  we  think,  he  should  not  have  used  the  pluraL 


CONSCIENCE.  85 

accomplices  were  whipped,  to  the  same  amount  ?  The 
next  year  we  find  him  engaged  with  other  Sachems  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Pequots,  but  the  particulars 
are  not  recorded.  The  same  year  two  of  his  men 
were  convicted  of  assaulting  some  persons  of  Dorches 
ter  in  their  houses.  "  They  were  put  in  the  bilboes," 
and  himself  required  to  beat  them,  which  he  did. 

The  Small  Pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  In 
dians  in  1 633,  in  which  year,  sometime  in  November, 
Chikataubut  died. 

There  is  a  quit  claim  deed  from  Josias  Wampatuck^ 
grandson  of  Chikataubut,  dated  in  1695,  of  Boston  and 
the  adjacent  country  andfthe  islands  in  the  harbor,  to 
the  "  proprietated  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston," 
to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  records.  Wampatuck 
says,  or  some  one  for  him,  "  Forasmuch  as  I  am  in 
formed,  and  well  assured  from  several  ancient  Indians, 
as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others,  that  upon  the 
first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in 
those  parts  of  New  England,  my  above  named  grand 
father  Chikataubut,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  his 
council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did  give, 
grant,  sell,  alienate,  and  confirm  unto  the  English 
planters,"  the  lands  above  named. 

Conscience,  a  native  of  Swansey  in  Massachu 
setts,  was  one  of  the  last  of  the  Warnpanoags.  In  Janu 
ary,  1677,  as  capt.  Church  was  ranging  the  woods  in  the 
northwest  of  Plimouth  colony,  a  party  of  the  enemy 
fell  into  his  hands.  One  among  them,  an  old  man, 
particularly  attracted  his  notice,  and  on  being  asked  his 
name,  said  it  was  Conscience.  "Conscience!"  ex 
claimed  Church,  "  then  the  war  is  o^er,  for  that  is  the 
very  thing  I  am  in  search  of."  Conscience  was  sold  to 
a  pei-son  of  his  native  place,  agreeably  to  his  desire, 
and  this  was,  we  believe,  the  last  expedition  of  Church 
in  Philip's  war. 


86  CORN-PLANT. 


^  signifying  in  Ifoquois,  Obeil,  wasf 
one  of  the  principal  Senecas,  in  1821.  *  The  most  of 
our  knowledge  of  him,  is  derived  from  himself,  and  is 
contained  in  a  letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of 
Pennsylvania.  And  although  written  by  an  interpre 
ter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real  production  of  Obeil.  It 
was  dated  "Allegheny  river,  2d  mo.  3d,  3822,"  and  is 
as  follows  : 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  governor 
of  Pennsylvania  at  this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place 
where  I  was  from  —  which  was  at  Conewaugus,f  on 
the  Genesee  river. 

"When  I  was  a  child,  I  pfctyed  with  the  butterfly, 
the  grasshopper  and  the  frogs  ;  and  as  I  grew  up,  I 
began  to  pay  some  attention  and  play  with  the  Indian 
boys  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my 
skin  being  a  different  color  from  theirs,  and  spoke  about 
it.  I  enquired  of  my  mother  the  cause,  and  she  told  me 
that  my  father  was  a  residenter  in  Albany.  I  still  eat  my 
victuals  out  of  a  bark  dish  —  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young 
man,  and  married  me  a  wife,  and  I  had  no  kettle  or  gun. 
I  then  knew  where  my  father  lived,  and  went  to  see 
him,  and  found  he  was  a  white  man,  and  spoke  the 
English  language.  He  gave  me  victuals  whilst  I 
was  at  his  house,  but  when  I  started  to  return  home, 
he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He  gave 
me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell  me  that 
the  United  States  were  about  to  .  rebel  against  the 
government  of  England. 

"  I  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session 
of  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit 

*  Stansbury. 

t  This  was  the  Iroquois  term  to  designate  a  place  of  Chris 
tian  Indians,  hence  many  plaees  bear  it.  It  is  the  same  as 
Caughnewaga. 


87 

hag  made  known  to  me  that  I  have  been  wicked ;  and 
the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionary  war  in  Ameri 
ca.  The  cause  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin, 
at  that  time,  was  that  many  of  them  were  in  the  prac 
tice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxicated.  Great  Britian 
requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  the  conflict  against 
the  Americans,  and  promised  the  Indians  land  and 
liquor.  I,  myself  was  opposed  to  joining  in  the  con 
flict,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  difficulty  that 
existed  between  the  two  parties.  I  have  now  inform 
ed  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians  took  a  part 
in  the  Revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  circum 
stances  that  occurred  after  the  close  of  the  war.  Gen. 
Putnam,  who  was  then  at  Philadelphia,  told  me  there 
was  to  be  a  council  at  fort  Stanwix ;  and  the  Indians 
requested  me  to  attend  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations ; 
which  I  did,  and  there  met  with  three  commissioners, 
who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the  council.  They 
told  me  they  would  inform  me  of  the  cause  of  the  Rev 
olution,  which  I  requested  them  to  do  minutely,  they 
then  said  that  it  had  originated  on  account  of  the  heavy 
taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  British 
government,  which  had  been  for  fifty  years  increas 
ing  upon  them ;  that  the  Americans  had  grown  weary 
thereof,  and  refused  to  pay,  which  affronted  the  king. 
There  had  likewise  a  difficulty  taken  place  about 
some  tea,  which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  had 
been  one  of  the  causes  that  many  people  had  lost  their 
lives.  And  the  British  government  now  being  af 
fronted,  the  war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  began 
to  roar  in  our  country.  General  Putnam  then  told  me 
at  the  council  at  fort  Stanwix,  that  by  the  late  war,  the 
Americans  had  gained  two  objects :  they  had  estab 
lished  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  ob 
tained  some  land  to  live  upon ;  the  division  line  of 


88  CORN-PLAN*. 

which  from  Great  Britian,  run  through  the  lakes.  I 
then  spoke,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for  the 
Indians  to  live  on,  and  general  Putnam  said  that  it 
should  be  granted,  and  I  should  have  land  in  the  state 
of  New  York,  for  the  Indians.  Gen.  Putnam  then 
encouraged  me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  pacify  the  In 
dians  generally ;  and  as  he  considered  it  an  arduous 
task  to  perform,  wished  to  know  what  I  wanted  for 
pay  therefor  ?  I  replied  to  him,  that  I  would  use  my 
endeavors  to  do  as  he  had  requested,  with  the  Indians, 
and  for  pay  thereof,  I  would  take  land.  I  told  him 
not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry  goods,  but  land.  And  for 
having  attended  thereto  I  received  the  tract  of  land  on 
which  I  now  live,  which  was  presented  to  me  by 
governor  Miftin.  I  told  general  Putnam,  that  I  wish 
ed  the  Indians  to  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the 
deer  and  wild  game,  which  he  assented  to.  I  also 
wished  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting  in 
the  woods,  and  making  fires,  which  he  likewise  as 
sented  to. 

"  The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned 
council,  has  been  broken  by  some  of  the  white  people, 
which  I  now  intend  acquainting  the  governor  with. 
Some  white  people  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should 
hunt  any  more,  whilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith  ; 
and  those  white  people  who  reside  near  our  reserva 
tion,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs,  and  they  have 
obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has 
been  also  broken  by  the  white  people  using  their  en 
deavours  to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which  was  not 
spoken  about  in  the  council  at  fort  Stanwix,  by  general 
Putnam,  but  has  originated  lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin. 
White  people  wish  to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do 
not  pay  them  honestly,  according  to  their  agreement. 


CORN— PLANT.  89 

In  another  respect  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white 
people,  who  reside  near  my  dwelling  ;  for  when  I 
plant  melons  and  vines  in  my  field,  they  take  them  a» 
their  own.  It  has  been  broken  again  by  white  people, 
using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pine  trees  from  us. 
We  have  very  few  pine  trees  on  our  land,  in  the  state 
of  New  York ;  and  white  people  and  Indians  often 
get  into  dispute  respecting  them.  There  is  also  a  great 
quantity  of  whiskey  brought  near  our  reservation  by 
white  people,  and  the  Indians  obtain  it  and  become 
drunken.  Another  circumstance  has  taken  place 
which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the  interference 
of  the  governor. 

"  The  white  people,  who  live  at  Warren,  called 
upon  me  some  time  ago,  to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ; 
which  I  objected  to,  as  I  had  never  been  called  upon 
for  that  purpose  before  ;  and  having  refused  to  pay, 
the  white  people; became  irritated,  called  upon  me  fre 
quently,  and  at  length  brought  four  guns  with  them 
and  seized  bur  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  pay,  and  was 
not  willing  to  let  the  cattle  go,  after  a  time  of  dispute, 
they  returned  home,  and  I  understood  the  militia  was 
ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tax.  I 
went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending  difficulty, 
was  obliged  to  give  my  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount  of 
which  was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is  my  desire 
that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes 
for  my  land  to  white  people ;  and  also  cause  that  the 
money  I  arn  now  obliged  to  pay,  may  be  refunded  to 
me,  as  I  am  very  poor.  The  governor  is  the  person 
who  attends  to  the  situation  of  the  people,  and  I  wish 
him  to  send  a  person  to  Alleghany,  that  I  may  inform 
him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and  he  be  au 
thorized  to  instruct  the  white  people,  in  what  manner 
to  conduct  themselves  towards  the  Indians. 


90  CORN- PLANT. 

"  The  government  has  told  us  that  when  any  diffi 
culties  arose  between  the  Indians  and  white  people, 
they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed.  We  are 
now  in  a  trying  situation,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to 
send  a  person,  authorised  to  attend  thereto,  the  fore 
part  of  next  summer,  about  the  time  that  grass  has 
grown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

"  The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  pay  at-' 
tention  to  the  Indians,  and  take  care  of  them.  We 
are  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  I  believe  Indians 
cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with 
my  request  and  send  a  person  authorised  to  treat 
between  us  and  the  white  people,  the  approaching 
summer.  I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whether  the  government  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at 
all,  or  if  at  all,  what  order  they  took,  upon  this  pathet 
ic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But,  that  an  in 
dependent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a 
neighboring  people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme ;  and  we 
hope  we  shall  learn  that  not  only  the  tax  was  remitted, 
but  a  remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation  and 
damage. 

Corn-plant  was  very  early  distinguished  for  his  wis 
dom  in  council,  notwithstanding  he  confirmed  the 
treaty  of  fort  Stanwix  of  1784,  five  years  after,  at  the 
treaty  of  fort  Harmer,  giving  up  an  immense  tract 
of  their  country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very 
much  reproached  him,  and  even  threatened  his  life. 
Himself  and  other  chiefs  committed  this  act  for  the  best 
of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  part  with 
England  in  the  Revolution,  when  the  king's  power  fell 
in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were  reduced  to  the 
miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  much  of  their 
country  as  the  Americans  required,  or  the  whole  of  it. 

*  Buchanan's  Sketches. 


CORN-PLANT.  91 

In  1770,  Corn-plant,  Half-town  and  Big-tree,  made  a 
most  pathetic  appeal  to  Congress  for  an  amelioration 
of  their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former 
treaties,  in  which  the  following  memorable  passage 
occurs : 

"  Father ;  we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the 
great  God  and  not  men  has  preserved  the  Corn-plant 
from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they  ask  con 
tinually  *  where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and 
their  children  after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ?  You 
told  us  that  the  line  drawn  from  Pennsylvania  to  lake 
Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  and  the 
line  running  from  Beaver  creek  to  Pennsylvania,  would 
mark  it  on  the  west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  •  not  so : 
For,  first  one,  and  then  another,  come  and  take  it  away 
by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  promised  to 
secure  it  to  us.'  He  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to 
answer.  When  the  sun  goes  down  he  opens  his  heart 
before  God,  and  earlier  than  the  sun  appears,  again 
upon  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during 
the  night.  For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  des 
perate  by  the  injuries  they  sustain,  it  is  God  only  that 
can  preserve  him.  He  loves  peace,  and  all  he  had  in 
store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by 
your  people,  lest  they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to 
repay  themselves.  The  whole  season  which  others 
have  employed  in  providing  for  their  families,  he  has 
spent  in  endeavors  to  preserve  peace  ;  and  this  moment 
his  wife  and  children  are  lying  on  the  ground,  and  in 
want  of  food." 

In  president  Washington's  answer,  we  are  gratified 
by  his  particular  notice  of  this  chief.  He  says,  "  The 
merits  of  the  Corn-plant,  and  his  friendship  for  the 
United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be 
forgotten ;  and  as  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United 


99  DAVID. 

\ 

States,  I  have  directed  the  Secretary  of  War  to  make 
him  a  present  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  either 
in  money  or  goods,  as  the  Corn-plant  shall  like  best." 
See  article  Big-tree. 

We  find  this  notice  of  Corn-plant  in  the  Pennsylva 
nia  Gazette,  of  1791.  "The  Indians  in  this  quarter 
[fort  Pitt]  have  been  very  peaceable  for  some  time, 
but  down  the  Ohio  they  are  continually  doing  mischief. 
There  are  many  conjectures  in  this  country,  about  col. 
Proctor's  business  in^the  Indian  country,  as  it  is  known 
he  has  left  fort  Franklin,  at  French  creek,  in  company 
with  the  Corn-planter  and  many  of  his  people." 

jf>/»ft/I?  a  Christian  Indian  of  Marlborough  ;  was 
one  of  those  unfortunate  people,  who  in  the  beginning 
of  Philip's  war  was  suspected  of  disaffection  to  the 
English,  and  who  shot  at  a  boy  keeping  sheep  at  that 
place.  He  was  from  some  cause,  now  unknown, 
singled  out  by  the  commanding  officer  to  be  used  as 
an  accuser  of  his  fellows,  of  the  Lancaster  murder. 
He  was  bound  to  a  tree  to  be  shot,  and  guns  levelled 
at  his  breast.  The  soldiers  were  ordered  not  to  fire 
if  he  would  confess,  which  he  promised  to  do;  and 
which  it  will  be  inferred,  that  he  must  do  to  the  liking 
of  his  inquisitors.  For  he  accused  eleven  of  them, 
then  within  the  fort  at  Marlborough,  of  being  the 
murderers  of  the  people  of  Lancaster,  but  did  not  go  so 
far  as  to  say  that  he  saw  them  do  it.  Himself  with 
the  others,  fifteen  in  number,  were  all  sent  down  pris 
oners  to  Boston,  to  take  their  trial.  David,  now  relieved 
of  the  fear  of  immediate  death,  acknowledged  that  he 
had  accused  them  wrongfully,  and  they  were  cleared, 
after  a  protracted  trial.  But  David,  for  his  false  ae- 
cusation,  and  shooting  at  the  boy,  was  condemned  to 
be  sold.*  See  Ari.  Monaco. 

*  Manuscript  of  Hon.  Daniel  Gookin. 


DONEY.  93 

)  a  preacher  to  his  countrymen  at  a  place 
called  Ohkonkemme,  in  Tisbury,  upon  Marthas  Vine 
yard,  in  1698.  At  which  time  there  was  a  congrega 
tion  of  72  persons.  He  had  a  brother  Stephen  who 
was  united  with  him  in  the  ministry.  Daniel  is  mention 
ed  as  "  praying  and  preaching  not  only  affectionately, 
but  understandingly." 

IJelifimtlff*  a  native  of  New  England,  whose 
name  is  associated  with  the  first  colony  who  settled  in 
it.  He  was  one  of  those  taken  from  Pemmaquid  by 
capt.  Weymouth  in  his  voyage  for  the  discovery  of  a 
Northwest  passage.  On  Weymouitfs  return  to  England, 
he  put  into  the  harbor  of  Plimouth,  where  sir  Ferdin- 
ando  Gorges  was  governor*  of  the  castle.  Gorges 
<'  seized  "  upon  some  of  the  natives,  among  whom  was 
Dehamda.  "  This  accident  he  says,  must  be  acknowl 
edged  the  means,  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot,  and 
giving  life  to  all  our  plantations."f  Accordingly,  in 
1607,  two  ships  were  sent  over  with  Dehamda  and 
another  native,  and  100  men,  who  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Sagadahock,  since  called  Kennebeck,  in  August. 
They  made  a  settlement  on  an  island  and  built  a  fort 
which  they  named  fort  St.  George.  What  became  of 
those  two  natives  after  this  we  have  no  account,  but 
the  winter  was  so  severe  that  many  of  the  settlers 
died  ;  among  whom  was  their  governor.  The  rest,  in 
the  following  spring  returned  to  England. 

DiOgenCSC)  a  Sachem  who  lived  upon  Sheep- 
scot  river,  in  Maine,  in  1663,  and  one  among  others 
who  deeded  the  land  there,  which  is  all  we  learn  of 
him.  From  his  having  a  name  given  by  the  English, 
no  doubt  he  was  particularly  friendly,  and  perhaps  re 
sided  among  them. 

The  theatre  of  the  actions  of  this  chief 


*  His  description  of  New  England,  p  3.     t  Ibid. 
8 


94  DONEY. 

were  between  the  Pascataqua  and  Kennebeck  rivers, 
The  first  notice  we  have  of  him  is  in  the  expedition  of 
col.  Church  to  those  shores  in  161)0.  He  was  known  by 
the  name  of  Old  Doney,  and  was  very  active  and  con 
spicuous  in  the  eastern  wars.  His  residence,  in  Sep 
tember  this  year,  was  upon  the  Saco  river,  but  a  short 
distance  from  its  mouth.  It  was  probably  temporary, 
and  at  this  time  he  was  preparing  fish  for  winter,  with 
about  forty  of  his  people. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  September  12th,  before 
day,  and  after  a  wet,  fatiguing  march  into  the  woods 
of  about  two  days,  on  the  southwest  side  of  the  An- 
droscoggin,  came  into  the  neighbourhood  of  an  Indian 
fort.  They  came  upon  an  Indian  and  his  wife  who 
were  leading  two  captives ;  and  immediately  pursuing 
and  firing  upon  them,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who 
proved  to  be  the  wife  of  Young  Doney ,  which  I  sup 
pose  to  be  a  son  of  Old  Doney.*  From  the  known 
humanity  of  Church,  we  hope  it  was  not  his  design  to 
have  thus  killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it 
was  that  fired  upon  them,  (for  they  divided  themselves 
into  three,)  is  unknown,  and  we  in  charity  must  sup 
pose  that  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much  con 
fusion,  it  was  difficult  to  know  a  man  from  a  woman. 

As  Church  expected,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of 
the  fort  and  out  at  the  other,  giving  the  alarm  so  ef 
fectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped.  They 
found  and  took  prisoners  "  but  two  men  and  a  lad  of 
about  eighteen,  with  some  women  and  children.  Five 
ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  which  were  killed. 
The  lad  of  eighteen  made  his  escape  up  the  river." 
The  whole  number  killed  in  this  action  was  "  six  or  sev 
en."  The  English  had  but  one  wounded.  They  took 

*  And  the  same  called  in  the  Magnalia  Robin  Doney. 


DONET.  95 

h«re  at  this  time,*  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn,  guns 
and  ammunition,  and  liberated  Mrs.  Huckings,  taken  at 
Oyster  river,  Mrs.  Barnard  of  Salmon  falls,  Anne  Heard 
of  Cocheco,  a  young  woman,  daughter  of  one  Wittis 
of  Oyster  ri\fer,  and  a  boy  belonging  to  Exeter.  These 
captives,  says  Church,  "  were  in  a  miserable  condi 
tion."  They  learned  here  that  most  of  their  men 
were  gone  to  Winter  harbor  to  get  provisions  for  the 
Bay  of  Funday  Indians.  This  information  was  given, 
by  a  prisoner  taken  in  the  fort,  who  also  said  that  the 
Bay  of  Funday  Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the 
English.  ««  The  soldiers  being  very  rude  would  hard 
ly  spare  the  Indian's  life,  while  in  examination ;  in 
tending  when  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  exe 
cuted.  But  capt.  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman, 
down  on  their  knees  and  begged  for  him,  saying,  that 
he  had  been  a  means  of  saving  their  lives,  and  a  great 
many  more;  and  had  helped  several  to  opportunities  to 
run  away  and  make  their  escape  ;  and  that  never, 
since  he  came  amongst  them,  had  fought  against  the 
English,  but  being  related  to  Hakiri's\  wife,  kept  at 
the  fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years;  but 
his  living  was  to  the  westward  of  Boston.  So  upon 
their  request  his  life  was  spared." 

Two  old  squaws  were  left  in  the  fort,  provided  with 
provisions,  and  instructed  to  tell  those  who  returned 
who  they  were,  and  what  they  were  determined  to  do. 
They  then  put  four  or  five  to  death,  and  decamped. 
Those,  we  must  suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and 
children  !  «  Knocked  on  the  head  for  an  example"  Wretch 
ed  is  the  state  of  man,  when  his  mind  is  not  above 
thinking  that  he  can  prevent  barbarities  by  being 
wretchedly  barbarous  himself. 

Old  Doney  was  next  to  be  hunted.     As  they  were 

*  Says   my   record,  which   is   a   manuscript  letter   from 
Church  written  at  that  time. 
t  The  same  called  Hankamagus,  which  see. 


DONEY. 


embarking  at  Maquait,  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket  came  to 
the  shore  and  called  to  them  to  take  him  on  board,  which 
they  did.  He  learning  that  an  English  army  was  there 
about,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  he 
had  been  some  time  a  prisoner.  The  fleet  nt>w  proceed 
ed  to  Winter  harbor,  from  whence  they  despatched  a 
detachment  of  sixty  men  to  Saco  falls.  When  they 
came  near  they  discovered  Doney's  company  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  who  chiefly  made  their  es 
cape.  A  canoe  with  three  Indians  were  observed 
coming  over  the  river,  who  did  not  see  the  English, 
and  were  fired  upon,  and  ««  all  three  perished."  This 
gave  the  first  alarm  to  Doney's  company.  They  did 
not  however  leave  their  ground  without  returning  the 
fire  of  the  English,  by  which  lieut.  Hunnewett  was  shot 
through  the  thigh.*  When  the  parties  fired  upon 
each  other,  Old  Doney  with  an  English  captive  waa 
up  the  river  above,  who  hearing  the  firing,  came  down 
to  see  what  it  meant,  and  discovered  the  English  time 
enough  to  escape.  Doney  fled  from  the  canoe,  leaving 
his  captive,  who  came  to  the  English.  His  name  was 
Thomas  Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at  Scarborough. 

There  was  many  other  movements  of  the  English 
after  this,  in  which  they  got  much  plunder,  and  which 
tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  among  the  troops,  and 
their  determination  to  return  home ;  which,  notwith 
standing  Church  urged  a  longer  continuance,  but 
was  out  voted  in  a  council  of  officers,  and  thus  end 
ed  the  expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached 
Church  with  cowardice,  and  almost  every  thingbut  what 
we  should  have  looked  for.  If  putting  to  death  captives 
had  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  accorded  Amen! 
But  we  do  not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Two  years  after  this,  in  1693,  Robin  Doney  became 

*  Manuscript  Documents. 


DBCOIGNE.  97 

reconciled  to  the  English,  and  signed  a  treaty  at  Pem- 
tnaquid.  But  within  a  year  afterward  he  became  sus 
pected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we  know  not, 
and  coming  to  the  fort  at  Saco,  probably  in  a  friendly 
way,  was  seized  by  the  English.  What  his  fate  was, 
is  rather  uncertain,  but  the  days  of  forgiveness  and 
mercy  were  not  yet. 

DTWWlWieiT)  ***  noted  Indian  that  lived  near 
Taunton,"  taken  at  the  same  time  with  CoZeft,  (which 
see)  and  doubtless  shared  the  same  fate. 

JDublet,  (Tom)  the  same  as  Napanet,  (which  see.) 
He  was  one  of  26,  who,  in  1684,  deeded  the  tract  of 
country,  now  called  Marlborough,  in  Massachusetts,  to 
the  English.* 

M)ncoig'n>€)  chief  of  the  Kaskaskias  ;  adopted  as 
early  as  1803,  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  and  was 
very  much  praised  for  his  friendship  to  the  Americans. 
By  a  treaty  he  made  with  them  in  that  year,  the  United 
States  agreed  to  build  him  a  house  and  enclose  him  a 
field  of  100  acres.  He  is  represented  as  a  "  gentleman 
ly  man,  by  no  means  addicted  to  drink,  and  possess 
ing  a  very  strong  inclination  to  live  like  a  white  man  ; 
indeed  he  has  done  so  as  far  as  his  means  would  al 
low."  f  Governor  Harrison,  writing  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  says  of  him,  <'  Ducoigntfs  long  and  well  proved 
friendship  for  the  United  States,  of  which  the  presi 
dent  is  well  informed,  has  gained  him  the  hatred  of  all 
the  other  chiefs,  and  ought  to  be  an  inducement  with 
us  to  provide,  as  well  for  his  happiness,  as  his  safety. 
He  wishes  to  have  some  coffee,  sugar,  and  chocolate, 
sent  to  him,  and  is  also  desirous  to  have  a  ten  gallon 
keg  of  wine,  to  show,  as  he  says,  the  other  Indians 
how  well  he  is  treated  by  the  United  States,  and  how 
much  like  a  gentleman  he  lives."f 

*  Worcester's  Hist.  Journal.        t  Mem.  Harrison. 


EGEREMET. 


)  an  eastern  Sachem,  who  with  five 
others  of  like  quality,  were  seized  by  the  English 
when  they  came  into  Pemmaquid  fort  to  treat  with 
them.  Egeremet  and  another  was  killed.  This  was 
February  16,  1696.*  Their  seizure  cannot  be  out 
done  by  the  greatest  barbarian,  for  faithlessness ;  and 
we  shall  learn  that  its  author  paid  for  it  in  due  time 
with  his  life.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  trans 
actions  which  are  in  themselves  sufficiently  horrid,  but 
we  will  venture  to  give  the  account  as  we  find  it  in 
Dr.  C.  Mather's  decennium  luctuosum.\ 

"  Let  us  before  the  year  be  quite  gone  see  some 
vengeance  taken  upon  the  heads  in  the  house  of  the 
wicked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  capt.  March  peti 
tioning  to  be  dismissed  from  his  command  of  the  fort 
at  Pemmaquid,  one  Chub  succeeded  him.  This  Chub 
found  an  opportunity,  in  a  pretty  chubbed  manner  to 
kill  the  famous  Edgeremett  and  Jlbenquid,  a  couple  of 
principal  Sagamores,  with  one  or  two  other  Indians, 
on  a  Lord's  day.  Some  that  well  enough  liked  the 
thing  which  was  now  done,  did  not  altogether  like  the 
manner  of  doing  it,  because  there  was  a  pretence  of 
treaty  between  Chub  and  the  Sagamores,  whereof  he 
took  his  advantage  to  lay  violent  hands  on  them." 

Thus  the  manner  is  seen  in  which  this  horrid  and 
cold  blooded  act  is  related ! !  Few  are  the  instances 
that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  Indian  treachery, 
as  it  is  termed,  can  go  before  this.  The  rev.  author 
adds,  "  If  there  were  any  unfair  dealing  (which  I 
know  not)  in  this  action  of  Chub,  there  will  be  another 
February  not  far  off,  wherein  the  avengers  of  blood  will 
take  their  satisfaction"  By  "another  February"  he 
means  to  intimate  the  fate  of  capt.  Chub  in  that 
month. 

*  Manuscript  of  Rev.  John  Pike,        t  Magnalia  B.  VII. 


EOEREMET. 

The  point  of  land  called  Trotts  Neck,  in  Woolwich, 
in  the  state  of  Maine,  was  sold,  in  1685,  by  Egeremet 
and  several  other  Sachems.  In  1693,  he  with  twelve 
other  chiefs  treated  with  sir  William  Phips,  at  Pem- 
inaquid,  and  a  long  treaty  was  signed  by  them.* 

Before  this,  in  1691,  "New  England  being  quite 
out  of  breath,"  says  C.  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce  was 
entered  into  between  the  eastern  Sachems,  and  Messrs. 
Huchinson  and  Townsend  of  Boston,  and  others  of  the 
eastern  coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were 
given  up  by  them.  One  was  a  woman  by  the  name 
of  Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having 
written  letters  on  various  occasions,  such  as  their  af 
fairs  required,  and  with  whom  they  regretted  much 
to  part.  Another  was  Nathaniel  White,  who  had  been 
bound  and  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears 
were  cut  off,  and  instead  of  food  he  was  forced  to  eat 
them,  after  which,  but  for  this  timely  treaty,  the  sen 
tence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed  upon  him. 
This  truce  stipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the 
English  until  May  1692,  and  that  on  the  first  of  that 
month  they  would  deliver,  at  Wells,  all  English  captives 
in  their  hands,  and  in  the  mean  time  would  inform  of 
any  plots  that  they  might  know  of  the  French  against 
the  English.  Egeremet  being  the  chief  Sachem,  and 
most  forward  in  this  business,  Dr.  Mather  utters  his 
contempt  for  him  by  saying,  "  To  this  instrument 
were  set  the  paws  of  Egeremet,  and  five  more  of  their 
Sagamores  and  noblemen."  t  The  next  year  he  was 
with  Madokawando,  Moxus  and  a  body  of  French  un 
der  Labrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the 
garrison  at  Wells,  which  will  be  found  related  under 
the  head  Madokawando. 

*  It  may  be  seen  in  the  Magnolia. 

t  Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  Book  VII.  Art.  VIII. 


100  EGEREMET. 

We  must  now  inform  the  reader  of  the  wretched 
fate  of  capt.  Pasco  Chub.  It  was  not  long  after  he 
committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the  Indian  Sa 
gamores,  before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the 
French  and  Indians.  He  was  exchanged  and  return 
ed  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered  much  disgrace  for  his 
treachery  with  the  Indians.*  He  lived  at  Andover  in 
Massachusetts,  where  the  Indians  made  an  attack  in 
February  1698,  in  which  he  was  killed.  It  was  not 
thought  they  knew  of  finding  him  there,  but  when 
they  knew  they  had  killed  him,  it  gave  them  as  much  joy, 
says  Huchinson,  "  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole  town, 
because  they  had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him 
for  his  perfidy  and  barbarity  to  their  countrymen." 
They  shot  him  through  several  times,  after  he  was 
dead. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of 
C7iu&,  and  indeed  the  only  one,  follows;  "an  Indian 
Sagamore's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
capt.  Chub  went  out  to  them  without  arms,  man  for 
man.  An  Indian  asked  for  rum  and  tobacco,  the 
capt.  said  no.  It  is  Sabbath  day.  They  said,  We  will 
have  rum,  or  we  will  have  rum  and  you  too.  Two  Indi- 
dians  laid  hold  on  the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his 
men,  to  fall  on,  for  God's  sake.  Then  he  made  signs  to 
his  men,  to  come  from  the  fort.  One  of  the  En 
glish  had  a  hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and 
killed  an  Indian ;  and  then  ours  killed  two  more  In 
dians,  and  took  another  alive,  and  wounded  another, 
supposed  mortally.  Then  many  of  the  enemy  came 

*  Harris'  Voyages,  II,  305,  (ed.t!764.)  says  Chub  was  ar 
rested  by  col.  Gedney  who  was  sent  east  with  three  ships  of 
war  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  and  that  no 
French  or  Indians  could  be  found.  That  after  he  strength 
ened  the  garrison  he  returned  home. 


ENSENORE.  101 

near  to  the  English,  who  retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort."* 
There  was   another  Sagamore  of  the  same  name, 
noticed  in  the  following  wars  with  the  eastern  Indi 
ans,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites. 

EHSenor€)  son  of  the  famous  Wingina  orPemis- 
sapan,  a  Sachem  of  Virginia.  He  was  known  to  capt. 
Ralph  Lane  and  his  company  during  their  short  stay 
in  that  country,  of  about  one  year  and  two  months, 
and  was  to  them  what  Hobomok  was  to  the  people  of 
Plimouth.  Lane  and  some  of  his  companions  made  a 
journey  into  the  country  of  about  160  miles.  They 
suffered  greatly  for  want  of  provisions,  and  from  con 
tinual  watching,  being  much  annoyed  by  the  various 
tribes  of  the  country.  Wingina  pretended  to  be  their 
friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  opportunity,  by 
giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  course  and 
purpose,  and  urging  them  to  cut  them  off.  He  thought 
at  one  time  that  the  English  were  destroyed,  and 
thereupon  scoffed  and  mocked  at  such  a  God  as  theirs, 
who  would  suffer  it.  This  caused  his  son  Ensenore  to 
join  their  enemies,  but  on  their  return  he  was  their 
friend  again.  He  and  many  of  his  people  now  be 
lieved  that  "  we  could  do  them  more  hurt  being  dead, 
than  liuing,  and  that  being  an  hundred  myles  from 
them,  shot,  and  struck  them  sick  to  death,  and  that 
when  we  die  it  is  but  for  a  time,  then  we  return  again." 
Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  submitted  them 
selves  to  the  English,  and  among  others,  Ensenore 
persuaded  his  father  to  become  their  friend,  who,  when 
they  were  in  great  straits  for  provisions,  came  and 
planted  their  fields,  and  made  wears  in  the  streams  to 

*  Manuscript  letter  in  Lib.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.,  written  in  the 
following  month.*  As  it  was  written  at  a  great  distance  from 
the  place,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  little  reliance  can  be 
placed  upon  it.  It  may  «have  been  Chub's  report  of  tb,e  case. 


102  ENSENORE. 

catch  fish,  which  were  of  infinite  benefit  to  them. 
This  was  in  the  spring  of  1586,  and  says  Lane,  "we 
not  having  one  corn  till  the  next  harvest  to  sustain  us." 
What  added  greatly  to  their  distresses  was  the  death 
of  their  excellent  friend  Ensenore,  who  died  20th  of 
April,  following.  The  Indians  began  anew  their  con 
spiracies,  and  the  colony  availed  themselves  of  the  first 
opportunity  of  returning  to  England,  which  was  in  the 
fleet  of  sir  Francis  Drake,  which  touched  there  in  its 
way  from  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the 
West  Indies.* 

The  conduct  of  Lane  and  his  company  in  this  fruit 
less  attempt  to  establish  themselves  in  Virginia,  was 
in  the  highest  degree  reprehensible.  They  put  to 
death  some  of  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  charges, 
and  no  wonder  they  were  driven  out  of  the  country, 
as  they  ought  to  have  been.f  While  they  were  there 
they  became  acquainted  with  the  use  of  tobacco,  and 
taking  it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use 
soon  rendered  it  a  great  article  of  commerce.  And 
here  it  will  not  be  improper  to  notice  how  many  different 
persons  have  had  the  credit,  or  perhaps  J  should  say 
discredit,  of  introducing  it  into  England;  as  sir  Francis 
Drake,  sir  Walter  Ralegh,!  Ralph  Lane,  and  some 
others.  Now,  as  some  writer  observes,  the  reader  may 
father  it  upon  whom  he  pleases,  as  it  is  evident  sir 
Francis  Drake  took  Ralph  Lane  and  tobacco  both  to 
gether  into  England,  and  no  one  will  dispute  the 
agency  of  the  gallant  knight,  sir  Walter  Ralegh,  for 
he  sent  out  Lane  in  his  employ. 

*  Relation  of  Lane,  printed  in  Smith's  Virginia 

t  Hetriot's  Observations,  (one  of  Lane's  company)  printed 

in  Smith. 

t  So  Prince  spells  his  name,  in  his  Worthies  oj  Devonshire, 

and  he  wrote  from  MSS. 


EPANOW.  103 

one  of  those  taken  from  an  island 
near  Cape  Cod,  in  16J1,  by  capt.  Harlow,  and  carried 
to  England.  Here  he  learned  the  English  language, 
and  was  afterwards  sent  in  a  ship  with  capt.  Hobson  to 
the  same  coast,  with  the  hope  that  by  his  means,  the 
friendship  of  the  natives  might  be  regained,  which  capt. 
Hunt  and  others  had  so  wantonly  broken.  Epanow  ap 
pears  to  have  been  an  arch  and  cunning  fellow,  and 
had  made  sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  others  believe  that 
he  knew  of  the  existence  of  a  gold  mine  in  his  own 
country.  It  was  chiefly  on  his  information  that  capt. 
Hobson  was  sent  over  in  hopes  of  finding  it.  When 
they  arrived  at  the  island  called  Capawak  they  were 
welcomed  by  many  of  the  natives,  among  whom  were 
some  of  Epanow's  friends,  who  were  kindly  enter 
tained  on  board  the  ship  by  capt.  Hobson.  This  gave 
Epanow  a  favorable  opportunity,  of  not  only  making 
arrangements  to  escape  from  the  ship,  but  to  finish  his 
obligation  of  pointing  out  the  gold  mine.  According 
ly  the  next  day,  twenty  canoes  approached  the  ship, 
full  of  Indians  with  their  arms  concealed,  Epanow 
jumped  overboard,  which  was  the  signal  for  his  friends 
injtiie  boats  to  pour  in  their  arrows  upon  the  ship, 
which  they  did,  until  Epanow  had  got  on  board  among 
them,  when  they  paddled  off.  The.  English  fired  upon 
the  canoes  and  killed  and  wounded  some  of  the  Indi 
ans  ;  several  of  the  English  were  also  wounded  by 
them.  The  design  of  the  voyage  being  now  frus 
trated  they  returned  to  England. 

As  capt.  Dermer  was  passing  from  Monahigon  to 
Virginia  in  the  year  1619,  having  put  in  to  a  place  near 
Cape  Cod,  was  fired  upon  and  badly  wounded  by  a 
party  of  Indians,  led  by  Epanow,  who  also  took  him 
prisoner,  but  from  whom  he  by  some  means  made  his 
escape,  and  got  to  Virginia,  where  he  died  of  his 


104  FIFE. 

wounds.  While  he  was  with  the  Indians,  Epanow 
to!4  him  of  his  stratagem  and  escape  from  capt.  Hob- 
sotfs  ship,  and  at  which  he  laughed  merrily.* 

HphrilMn)  (Peter)  a  Natick,  who  fought  for, 
and  rendered  much  valuable  service  to  the  English  in 
Philip's  war.  He  went  out  with  Andrew  Pityme  in 
January,  1676,  and  brought  in  many  of  the  Nipnets, 
who  had  endeavored  to  shelter  themselves  under  Un- 
cas.  He  commanded  an  Indian  company,  and  had  a 
commission  from  government.  The  news  that  many 
of  the  enemy  were  doing  mischief  about  Rehoboth, 
caused  a  party  of  English  of  Medfield  to  march  out 
to  their  relief;  Ephraim  went  with  them  with  his  com 
pany,  which  consisted  of  twenty-nine.  The  snow 
being  deep,  the  English  soon  grew  discouraged  and  re 
turned,  but  capt.  Ephraim  continued  the  march,  and 
came  upon  a  body  of  them,  encamped,  in  the  night. 
Early  the  next  morning  he  successfully  surrounded 
them,  and  offered  them  quarter.  "  Eight  resolute  fel 
lows  refused,  who  were  presently  shot,"  the  others 
yielded  and  were  brought  in,  being  in  number  forty- 
two.f  Other  minor  exploits  of  this  Indian  captain 
are  recorded. 

FdiX)  one  of  those  Christian  Indians  who  went  out 
to  Mount  Hope  in  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  and 
was  very  serviceable  in  those  expeditions.  When  he 
returned,  himself  and  two  others  presented  to  gov. 
Leverett  four  of  the  enemies  scalps.  \  He  was  a 
Nipnet  and  had  lived  at  Maryborough. 

JFtfC)  (Jim,)  a  famous  Creek  warrior  and  chief  of 
that  nation,  who  in  the  war  of  1812,  joined  the  Amer- 

*  Relations  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  and  Dr.  I.  Mather,  Prince's 
Chronology,  and  Harris'  Voyages,  II. 

t  Hubbard.         J  Manuscript  of  Hon.  D.  Gookin. 


FIFE.  105 

leans  against  his  countrymen,  and  others  in  the  Creek 
country.  When  gen.  Jackson  marched  to  attack  the 
Indians  upon  the  Tallapoosie,  in  1814,  and  was  en 
camped  at  Talledega,  Fife  and  several  other  chiefs 
joined  him,  whose  names  are  not  mentioned,  at  the 
head,  of  200  Creek  warriors.  They  marched  with  him 
to  the  bend  of  the  Tallapoosie,  where  a  hard  battle 
was  fought,  and  in  which  Fife  and  his  warriors  acted 
a  conspicuous  part.  Having  arrived  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  great  bend,  where  the  Indians  were  en 
camped,  spies  brought  information  that  they  were 
whooping  and  dancing,  as  if  aware  of  the  approach  of 
the  Americans.  The  night  before  the  battle,  Jackson 
with  his  200  confederate  Creeks,  and  about  65  Chero- 
kees,  encamped  in  a  hollow  square,  and  hourly  expect 
ed  an  attack  ;  and  they  were  not  disappointed,  for  be 
fore  it  was  light,  the  enemy  fell  upon  their  left  flank, 
and  fought  with  a  determined  bravery,  that  would  not 
discredit  veterans.  And  it  is  no  disparagement  to  the 
men  under  the  American  general,  to  say,  that  they 
were  not  able  to  repel  fhem  for  more  than  half  an 
hour,  and  until  many  valuable  men  were  slain.  And 
not  until  it  was  light,  and  the  artillery  was  brought  to 
bear  upon  them,  and  repeated  charges  from  the  caval 
ry,  did  they  leave  the  ground  ;  and  even  then  they  re 
tired  slowly,  as  men  driven  from  their  country,  will 
always  do.  After  they  were  routed  on  the  left,  Fife  at 
the  head  of  100  of  his  warriors  was  ordered  to  hasten 
to  the  relief  of  gen.  Coffee,  whose  division  was  con 
tending  at  fearful  odds  with  a  brave  band  of  their  en 
emies.  Fife's  arrival  at  a  seasonable  juncture  decided 
the  battle,  and  the  enemy  commenced  a  retreat.  Gen. 
Coffee  was  badly  wounded  in  the  body,  and  his  aid-de 
camp  killed,  and  but  for  the  promptness  of  Fife  and 
his  warriors,  doubtless  the  Americans  must  have  re- 
9 


106  FRANCIS. 

treated.*  There  were  some  other  engagements  in  the 
expedition,  in  all  of  which  28  Americans  were  killed 
and  75  wounded.  Of  the  Indians,  189  were  found 
dead.f 

FlHCllcn^  or  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  Fluel- 
len  Sumptimus,  a  Sachem  of  Maine  in  the  first  settle 
ment  of  that  country,  and  lived  between  Saco  river, 
and  Cape  Porpoise,  which  tract  of  country  he  sold  to 
William  Philips.! 

FfimctSm  Sachem  of  Nauset,  upon  Cape  Cod. 
He  was  suspected  of  being  engaged  in  a  treacherous 
design  against  the  English,  with  Philip,  in  1662,  and 
in  August  that  year,  he  appeared  at  Plimouth  with 
him,  and  subscribed  articles,  which  allayed  their  fears. 

JPt*HttCt*?  (the  Prophet)  or  Francis  Hillishago, 
was  a  very  noted  leader  among  the  Seminole  Indians 
in  the  war  of  their  extermination,  carried  on  by  gen. 
Jackson,  in  1817.  He  was  the  instigator  and  immedi 
ate  cause,  it  is  said,  of  that  war;  and  had  been  to  En 
gland  to  get  assistance  of  that  government  to  repossess 
the  Creeks  of  the  lands  taken  from  them  by  the  United 
States.  The  belief  was  imposed  upon  him  by  some 
abandoned  English  traders,  that  there  was  a  provision 
in  the  treaty  of  Ghent  for  the  restoration  of  their  coun 
try.  He  received  much  attention  while  in  England, 
and  some  encouragement,  but  nothing  absolute.  An 
English  journal  thus  announces  his  arrival.  "The 
sound  of  trumpets  announced  the  approach  of  the  pat 
riot  Francis,  who  fought  so  gloriously  in  our  cause  in 
America  during  the  late  war.  Being  drest  in  a  most 
splendid  suit  of  red  and  gold,  and  wearing  a  tomahawk 
set  with  gold,  gave  him  a  highly  imposing  appearance." 

*  Deduced  from  gen.  Jackson's  official  account,  in  which 
the  number  of  his  killed  is  left  blank. 

t  Niles'  Register,    t  Sullivan's  Hist.  District  of  Maine. 


GARANGULA.  107 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  De 
cember,  1817,  a  war  party  of  Seminoles  captured  an 
American,  and  conveyed  him  immediately  to  their  prin 
cipal  village,  called  Mickasauky.  This  place  is  de 
scribed  in  the  account  of  the  chief  Hornotlined.  Here 
it  appears  dwelt  Francis  and  his  family.  The  Amer 
ican,  whose  name  was  JVTKrimmon,  was  ordered  to 
be  immediately  burnt  to  death.  The  stake  was  set, 
JWKrimmon,  with  his  head  shaved,  was  bound  to  it, 
and  wood  was  piled  up  about  him.  When  they  had 
finished  their  dance,  and  the  fire  was  about  to  be 
kindled,  a  daughter  of  the  chief,  who  had  been  wit 
nessing  the  preparations  with  a  sad  countenance,  flew 
to  her  father,  and  upon  her  knees,  begged  that  he 
would  spare  the  prisoner's  life,  and  it  was  not  until, 
like  the  celebrated  Pqcahontas,  she  showed  a  determi 
nation  to  perish  with  him,  that  her  father  consented  to 
prolong  his  life  for  the  present.  It  was  still  his  inten 
tion,  that  if  he  could  not  sell  the  victim  for  a  certain 
sum,  to  have  carried  his  former  purpose  into  effect, 
but  on  offering  him  to  the  Spaniards,  the  demanded 
sum  was  paid  for  him,  and  thus  his  liberation  was 
effected. 

After  Francis  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans 
and  was  hanged,  as  related  in  the  account  of  Hornot 
lined,  his  family,  consisting  of  a  wife  and  several  daugh 
ters,  surrendered  themselves  to  the  Americans  at  St. 
Mark's.  The  youngest  daughter,  about  fourteen  years 
of  age,  was  treated  with  great  attention  by  all  the  offi 
cers  for  having  saved  the  life  of  M> Krimmon.  She 
was  said  to  have  been  very  handsome. 

CrtirangU la ,  a  famous  Onondaga  chief  among 
the  Five  Nations.  In  the  year  1684,  De  la  Barre, 
gov.  of  Canada,  complained  to  the  English  at  Albany, 


1 08  GARANGULA. 

that  the  Senecas  were  infringing  upon  their  rights  of 
trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations. 
Governor  Dongan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the 
charge  made  by  the  French  governor.  They»admit- 
ed  the.  fact,  but  justified  their  course,  alleging  that 
the  French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  with  whom  they  were  then  at  "war.  About 
the  same  time  the  French  governor  raised  an  army 
of  seventeen  hundred  men,  and  made  other  "  mighty 
preparations"  for  the  final  destruction  of  the  Five  Na 
tions.  But  before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his  great 
undertaking,  a  mortal  sickness  broke  out  in  his  army, 
which  finally  caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedition. 
In  the  mean  time  the  governor  of  New  York  was  or 
dered  to  lay  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  French  ex 
pedition.  Instead  of  regarding  this  order,  which  was 
from  his  master,  the  duke  of  York,  he  sent  interpreters 
to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  them,  with  offers  to 
assist  them. 

De  la  Barre,  in  hopes  to  effect  something  by  this 
expensive  undertaking,  crossed  lake  Ontario  and  held 
a  treaty  with  such  of  the  Five  Nations  as  would  meet 
him.  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  power,  he  made 
a  high  toned  speech  to  Garangula,  in  which  he  ob 
served,  that  the  nations  had  often  infringed  upon  the 
pe'ace  ;  that  he  wished  now  for  peace  ;  but  on  the  con 
dition  that  they  should  make  full  satisfaction  for  all 
the  injuries  they  had  done  the  French,  and  for  the 
future  never  to  disturb  them.  That  they,  the  Senecas, 
Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks  had 
abused  and  robbed  all  their  traders,  and  unless  they 
gave  satisfaction  he  should  declare  war.  That  they 
had  conducted  the  English  into  their  country  to  get 
away  their  trade  heretofore,  but  the  past  he  would 
overlook,  if  they  would  offer  no  more  ;  yet  if  ever  the 


GARANGtLA.  109 

like  should  happen  again,  he  had  express  orders  from 
the  king,  his  master,  to  declare  war. 

Garangula  listened  to  these  words,  and  many  more 
in  the  like  strain,  with  that  contempt,  which  a  real 
knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French  army,  and 
the  rectitude  of  his  own  course  were  calculated  to  in 
spire.  And  after  walking  several  times  round  the 
circle,  formed  by  his  people  and  the  French,  ad 
dressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  in  his  elbow 
chair,  he  begem  as  follows :  * 

"Yonnondio;*  I  honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that 
are  with  me  likewise  honor  you.  Your  interpreter  has 
finished  your  speech.  I  now  begin  mine.  My  words 
make  haste  to  reach  your  ears.  Harken  to  them. 

«  Yonnorutio ;  You  must  have  believed  when  you 
left  Quebeck,  that  the  sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  forests, 
which  render  our  country  inaccessible  to  the  French, 
or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that 
they  had  surrounded  our  castles,  and  that  it  was  im 
possible  for  us  to  get  out  of  them.  Yes,  surely,  you  must 
have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of  seeing  so  great 
a  wonder,  has  brought  you  so  far.  Now  you  are  un 
deceived,  since  that  I  and  the  warriors  here  present, 
are  come  to  assure  you,  that  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks  are  yet  alive.  I 
thank  you  in  their  name,  for  bringing  back  into  their 
country  the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor  received 
from  their  hands.  It  was  happy  for  you,  that  you  left 
under  ground  that  murdering  hatchet  that  has  been  so 
often  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the  French, 

"  Hear,  Yonnonctio ;  I  do  not  sleep ;  I  have  my  eyes 
open ;  and  the  sun,  which  enlightens  me,  discovers  to 
me  a  great  captain  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  sol- 

*  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  Canada. 


110  GARANGULA. 

diers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming-  He  says, 
that  he  only  came  to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  great 
calumet  with  the  Onondagas.  But  Garangula  says, 
that  he  sees  the  contrary ;  that  it  was  to  knock  them 
on  the  head,  if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms 
of  the  French.  I  see  Yonnondio  raving  in  a  camp  of 
sick  men,  whose  lives  the  Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by 
inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

"  /fear,  Yonnondio ;  our  women  had  taken  their 
clubs,  our  children  and  old  men  had  carried  their  bows 
and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your  camp,  if  our  warriors 
had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when 
your  messenger  came  to  our  castles.  It  is  done,  and  I 
have  said  it. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  we  plundered  none  of  the 
French,  but  those  that  carried  guns,  powder  and  balls 
to  the  Twightwies,  and  Chictaghicks,  because  those 
arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow 
the  example  of  the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of 
rum  brought  to  our  castles,  lest  the  drunken  Indians 
should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our  warriors  have 
not  beaver  enough  to  pay  for  all  those  arms  that  they 
have  tal^en,  and  our  old  men  are  not  afraid  of  the  war, 
This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"  We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  trade 
there  with  the  Utawawas  and  Quatoghies,  as  the  Ad- 
irondaks  brought  the  French  to  .our  castles,  to  carry 
on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are 
born  free.  We  neither  depend  on  Yonnondio  nor 
Corlear*  We  may  go  where  we  please,  and  carry 
with  us  whom  we  please,  and  buy  and  sell  what  we 
please.  If  your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as- 
such,  command  them  to  receive  no  other  but  your 
people.  This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

*  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  New  York. 


GAftAfffctTLA.  Ill 

**  We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chictaghicks  on 
the  head,  because  they  had  cut  down  the  trees  of 
peace,  which  were  the  limits  of  our  country.  They 
have  hunted  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted 
contrary  to  the  customs  of  all  Indians,  for  they  left 
none  of  the  beavers  alive,  they  killed  both  male  and 
female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  their  .country, 
to  take  part  with  them,  after  they  had  concerted  ill 
designs  against  us.  We  ha^e  done  less  than  either 
the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped  the  lands  of 
so  many  Indian  nations,  and  chased  them  from  their 
own  country.  This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

'*  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  what  I  say  is  the  voice  of  all 
the  Five  Nations.  Hear  what  they  answer.  Open 
your  ears  to  what  they  speak.  The  Senecas,  Cayu- 
gas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks  say,  that 
when  they  buried  the  hatchet  at  Cadarackui,  in  the 
presence  of  your  predecessor,  in  the  middle  of  the  fort, 
they  planted  the  tree  of  peace  in  the  same  place ;  to 
be  there  carefully  preserved :  That  in  the  place  of  a 
retreat  for  soldiers,  that  fort  might  be  a  rendezvous  for 
merchants :  that  in  place  of  arms  and  ammunition  of 
war,  beavers  and  merchandize -should  only  enter  there. 

*«  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  take  care  for  the  future,  that  so 
great  a  number  of  soldiers  as  appear  there  do  not 
choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so  small  a  fort.  It 
will  be  a  great  loss,  if,  after  it  had  so  easily  taken  root, 
you  should  stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering 
your  country  and  ours  with  its  branches.  I  assure 
you,  in  the  name  of  the  Five  Nations,  that  our  war 
riors  shall  dance  to  the  calumet  of  peace  under  its 
leaves  ;  and  shall  remain  quiet  on  their  mats,  and  shall 
never  dig  up  the  hatchet,  till  their  brother  Yonnondio, 
or  Corlear  shall  either  jointly  or  separately  endeavor 
to  attack  the  country,  which  the  Great  Spirit  has  given 


to  our  ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my  words,  and 
this  other,  the  authority  which  the  Five  Nations  have 
given  me," 

Then  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  said, 
"Take  courage,  you  have  spirit,  speak,  explain  my 
words,  forget  nothing,  tell  all  that  your  brethren  and 
friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  mouth 
of  Garangula,  who  loves  you,  and  desires  you  to  ac 
cept  of  this  present  of  beaver,  and  take  part  with  me 
in  my  feast,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This  present  of 
beaver  is  sent  to  Yonnondio,  on  the  part  of  the  Five 
Nations." 

De  la  Barre  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom 
of  this  chief,  and  equal  chagrin  at  the  plain  refuta 
tion  of  his  own.  He  immediately  returned  to  Mon 
treal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of 
the  French  against  the  Five  Nations.f 

Garangula  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man,  and 
from  this  valuable  speech  we  became  acquainted  with 
him;  a  very  Nestor  of  his  nation,  whose  powers  of 
mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of 
a  Roman,  or  a  more  modern  Senator. 

€rlikhictl-n )  a  chief  who  in  the  year  1754  join 
ed  the  French  forces  in  an  expedition  against  the  En 
glish  settlements.  At  Conegocheague  he  took  prisoner, 
among  others,  a  female  with  a  young  babe.  The  child 
cried  so  incessantly  as  to  cause  such  perplexity  in  the 
hurry  of  their  flight,  that  to  prevent  falling  into  the  hands 
of  his  pursuers,  and  at  the  request  of  some  of  his  white 
companions,  Glikhican  put  it  to  death.  He  afterwards 
became  a  convert  to  the  Moravian  Christians,  and 
joined  their  congregation  in  1770.  He  never  forgave 
himself  the  crime  of  killing  the  child,  although  he  re 
peatedly  received  the  mother's  forgiveness.  From  the 

t  Colden's  Hist,  of  the  Five  Nations,  59—71.  ed.  1747. 


GRANGANEMEO.  113 

time  of  his  conversion  his  life  was  the  most  unexcep 
tionable,  and  he  died  happy.  He  had  been  conspicu 
ous  as  a  warrior  and  counsellor,  and  in  oratory,  it  is 
said  he  never  was  surpassed.* 

GrrMHganemeO)  a  brother  of  the  well  known 
Winginia,  Sachem  of  Wingandacoa,  in  Virginia.  He 
was  known  to  Amidas  and  Barlow  in  their  discovery 
in  1585,  which  also  was  the  year  of  his  death.  As 
soon  as  the  arrival  of  the  English  was  made  known 
to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  forty  of  his  men, 
who  were  very  civil  and  of  a  remarkably  robust  and 
fine  appearance.  When  they  had  left  their  boat  and 
came  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship,  Granganemeo 
spread  a  mat  and  sat  down  upon  it.  The  English 
went  to  him  armed,  but  he  discovered  no  fear,  and  in- 
vited  them  to  sit  down ;  after  which  he  performed 
some  tokens  of  friendship ;  then  making  a  speech  to 
them  they  presented  him  with  some  toys.  None  but 
four  of  his  people  spoke  a  word,  or  sat  down,  but 
maintained  the  most  perfect  silencfe.  On  being  shown 
a  pewter  dish  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  pur 
chased  it  with  twenty  deer  skins,  which  were  worth 
in  England  one  hundred  shillings  sterling!!  .  The 
dish  he  used  as  an  ornament,  making  a  hole  through 
it,  wore  it  about  his  neck.  While  here  the  English 
treated  him,  with  hig  wife  and  children,  on  board  th§ir 
ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl 
which  reached  to  her  middle.  Shortly  after  many  of 
the  people  came  out  of  the  country  to  trade,  "  but 
when  Granganemeo  was  present,  none  durst  trade  but 
himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  hejids 
as  he  did."  He  was  remarkably  exact  in  keeping  his 
promise,  "  for  oft  we  trusted  him,  and  he  would  come 
within  his  day  to  keep  his  word."  And  these  voyagers 

*  Heckawald's  Hist.  Account  of  Indian  Nations, 


GRAND-SUIT. 

further  report,  that  « commonly  he  sent  them  every 
day  a  brace  of  bucks,  conies,  hares,  and  fish,  and 
sometimes  melons,  walnuts,  cucumbers,  pease  and 
divers  roots."  This  must  close  our  account  of  the  ex 
cellent  Granganemeo,  and  would  that  the  account  of 
the  English  would  balance  as  well,  but  they  exhibit 
their  own,  and  one  item  more  from  it,  and  we  close 
the  comparison.  For  a  small  kettle  they  took  fifty 
skins,  worth  in  England  £12.  10s.  sterling.* 

Crrand-SUn^  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although 
Sun  was  a  common  name  for  all  chiefs  of  that  nation, 
this  chief  was  particularly  distinguished  in  the  first 
war  with  the  French,  which  exhibits  the  compass  of 
our  information  concerning  him,  and  which  we  pur 
pose  here  to  sketch. 

He  was  brother  to  the  great  warrior,  known  to  the 
French  by  the  name  of  Stung-serpent,  and  like  him 
was  a  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the  haughty  overbear 
ing  disposition  of  one  man  brought  destruction  and 
ruin  on  their  whole  colony.  This  affair  took  place  in 
the  year  1729.  The  residence  of  the  Grand-sun  was 
near  the  French  Post  of  Nachez,  where  he  had  a  beau 
tiful  village  called  the  White  Apple.  M.  de  Chopart 
had  been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  Post, 
whence  he  was  for  a  time  removed  by  reason  of  mis 
conduct,  and  his  abominable  injustice  to  the  Indians 
became  more  conspicuous  than  ever.  To  gratify  his 
pride  and  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an 
elegant  village,  and  none  appeared  to  suit  his  purpose 
so  well  as  the  White  Apple  of  the  Grand-sun.  Him 
he  gent  for  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatingly  told  him  that 
his  village  must  be  immediately  given  up  to  him,  for 
he  had  resolved  to  erect  one  a  league  square  upon  the 
same  ground,  and  that  he  must  remove  elsewhere, 

*  Smith's  Hist.  Virginia. 


GRAND-SUN.  115 


The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  and  modestly 
plied  "  that  his  ancestors  had  lived  in  that  village  for 
as  many  years  as  there  were  hairs  in  his  double  cue, 
and  therefore  it  was  good  that  they  should  continue 
there  still."  When  this  was  interpreted  to  the  com 
mandant,  he  showed  himself  in  a  rage,  and  threatened 
the  chief,  that  unless  he  moved  from  his  village  spedi- 
ly,  he  would  have  cause  of  repentance.  Grand-sun 
left  the  fort  and  said  he  would  assemble  his  counsel 
lors,  and  hold  a  talk  upon  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was 
proposed  to  lay  before  the  commandant  their  hard 
situation,  if  they  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  their 
corn,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  shoot  from 
the  ground,  and  many  other  articles  on  which  they 
were  to  depend  for  subsistence.  But  on  urging  these 
strong  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more 
peremptory  order  to  remove  immediately.  This  the 
Grand-sun  reported  to  the  council,  and  they  saw  all 
was  lost,  unless  by  some  stratagem  they  should  rid 
themselves  of  the  tyrant  Chopart,  which  was  their  final 
decision.  The  secret  was  confided  to  none  but  the 
old  men.  To  gain  time,  an  offer  was  to  be  made  to 
the  avaricious  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  case  he 
would  permit  them  to  remain  on  their  land  until  their 
harvest.  The  offer  was  accepted,  and  the  Indians  set 
about  maturing  their  plan  with  the  greatest  avidity. 
Bundles  of  sticks  were  sent  to  the  Suns  of  the  neigh 
boring  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to  them  by 
the  faithful  messengers.  Each  bundle  Contained  as 
many  sticks  as  days  which  were  to  pass  before  the 
massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez.  And  that 
no  mistake  should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day, 
every  morning  a  stick  was  drawn  from  the  bundle  and 
broken  in  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last  stick  was  that 
of  the  execution. 

' 


116  GRAND-SUN. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  their 
wickedness,  and  their  deafness  to  repeated  warnings, 
though  a  standing  example  before  them  upon  the 
pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  instances 
where  they  have  profited  by  it.  I  need  cite  no  exam 
ples,  our  pages  are  full  of  them. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  unciv 
ilized,  cannot  bear  the  thoughts  of  revenge  and  death, 
to  prey  upon  them,  for  so  great  a  length  of  time  as 
men.  And,  as  in  the  last  case,  I  need  [not  produce 
examples,  on  our  pages  will  be  found  many. 

A  female  Sun,  having  by  accident  understood  the 
secret  design  of  her  people,  partly  out  of  resentment 
for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partly  from  her  at 
tachment  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to 
them.  But  so  fatally  secure  was  the  commandant, 
that  he  would  not  hearken  to  her  messengers,  and 
threatened  others  of  his  own  people  with  chastisement, 
if  they  continued  such  intimations.  But  the  great 
council  of  so  many  Suns,  and  other  motions  of  their 
wise  men,  justly  alarmed  many,  and  their  complaints 
to  the  commandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his  own 
people  were  put  in  irons,  to  dispel  their  fears.  And 
that  he  might  the  more  vaunt  himself  upon  their  fears, 
sent  his  interpreter  to  demand  of  the  Grand-sun,  wheth 
er  he  was  about  to  fall  upon  the  French  with  his  war 
riors.  To  dissemble  in  such  a  case,  was  only  to  be 
expected  from  the  chief,  and  the  interpreter  reported 
to  the  commandant,  as  he  desired,  which  caused  him 
to  value  himself  upon  his  former  contempt  of  his  peo 
ples  fears. 

The  30th  of  November,  1729,  at  length  came,  and 
with  it  the  massacre  of  near  700  people,  being  all  the 
French  of  Natchez.  Not  a  man  escaped.  It  being 
upon  the  eve  of  St.  Andrew's  day,  facilitated  the  exe 
cution  of  the  horrid  design.  In  such  contempt  was 


GRAND-SUN.  117 

M.  Chopart  held,  that  the  Suns  would  allow  no  warrior 
to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  considered  a  mean 
person.  He  was  armed  only  with  a  wooden  toma 
hawk,  and  with  such  a  contemptible  weapon,  wielded 
by  as  contemptible  a  person,  was  M.  Chopart  pursued 
from  his  house,  into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his 
death. 

The  design  of  the  Grand-sun  and  his  allies,  was  to 
have  followed  up  their  success  until  all  the  French  were 
driven  out  of  Louisiana.  But  some  tribes  would  not 
aid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  promptly  sec 
onded  by  the  people  of  New  Orleans,  shortly  after, 
nearly  annihilated  the  whole  tribe  of  the  Natchez. 
The  Choctaws  offered  themselves,  to  the  number  of 
15  or  1600  men,  and  in  the  following  February,  ad 
vanced  into  the  country  of  the  Natchez,  and  were 
shortly  after  joined  by  the  French,  and  encamped  near 
the  old  fort,  then  in  possession  of  the  Grand-sun.  Here 
flags  passed  between  them,  and  terms  of  peace  were 
agreed  upon,  which  were  very  honorable  to  the  In 
dians ;  but  in  the  following  night,  they  decamped, 
taking  all  their  prisoners  and  baggage,  leaving  nothing 
but  the  cannons  of  the  fort,  and  bells  behind  them. 
Some  time  now  passed  before  the  French  could  ascer 
tain  the  retreat  of  the  Natchez.  At  length  they  learn 
ed  that  they  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and  settled 
upon  the  west  side,  near  180  miles  above  the  rnouth 
of  Red  river.  Here  they  built  a  fort,  and  remained 
quietly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants 
to  resign  themselves  into  the  hands  of  the  king,  who 
spon  sent  over  a  sufficient  force,  added  to  those^  still  in 
the  country,  to  humble  the  Natchez.  They  were  ac 
cordingly  invested  in  their  fort,  and  struck  with  con 
sternation  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the  French,  seem 
10 


118  GREAT-MORTAR. 

to  have  lost  their  former  prudence.  They  made  a  de&- 
perate  sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enerny,  but  were  re 
pulsed  with  great  loss.  They  then  attempted  to  gain 
time  by  negociation,  as  they  had  the  year  before,  but 
could  not  escape  from  the  vigilance  of  the  French  of 
ficer  ;  yet  the  attempt  was  made  and  many  were  kill 
ed,  very  few  escaped,  and  the  greater  number  driven 
within  their  fort.  Mortars  were  used  by  their  enemies 
in  this  siege,  and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in  the  centre 
of  the  fort,  made  great  hovoc,  but  still  greater  conster 
nation.  Drowned  by  the  cries  of  the  women  and 
children,  Grand-sun  caused  the  sign  of  capitulation  to 
be  given.  Himself,  with  the  rest  of  his  company  were 
carried  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and  thrown  into 
prison.  An  increasing  infection  caused  the  women 
and  children  to  be  taken  out  and  employed  as  slaves 
on  the  king's  plantations  ;  among  whom  was  the  wo 
man  who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notify  the  com 
mandant,  Chopart,  of  the  intended  massacre,  and  from 
whom  the  particulars  of  the  affair  were  learned.  Her 
name  was  Stung-arm.  These  slaves  were  shortly  af 
ter  embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the 
country  of  the  Natchez.*  The  men,  it  is  probable, 
were  all  put  to  death. 

Great-mortar ?  or  Yah-yah-tustanage,  a  very 
celebrated  Muskogee  chief,  who  before  the  revolution 
ary  war,  was  in  the  French  interest,  and  received  his 
supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was 
not  far  distant  from  his  place  of  abode,  called  Okchai. 
There  was  a  time  when  he  inclined  to  the  English, 
and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  superintendant  of  Indian  affairs,  among  them, 
might  have  been  reclaimed,  and  the  dismal  period  of 

*  Mons.  du  Pratz,  Hist,  de  Louisiana,  Tome  I,  chap.  XII. 


GREAT-MORTAR.  119 

massacres  which  ensued,-averted.  At  a  great  council, 
appointed  by  the  superintendant,  for  the  object  of  re 
gaining  their  favor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  passing 
around,  was  refused  to  Great-mortar,  because  he  had 
favored  the  French.  This,  with  much  other  ungener 
ous  treatment,  caused  him  ever  after  to  hate  the  En 
glish  name.  As  the  superintendant  was  making  a 
speech,  which  doubtless  contained  severe  and  hard 
sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief  sprung 
upon  his  feet,  and  darting  his  tomahawk  at  him,  it 
fortunately  missed  him,  but  stuck  in  a  plank  just  above 
his  head.  Yet  he  would  have  been  immediately  kill 
ed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a  friendly  warrior. 
Had  this  first  blow  been  effectual,  every  Englishman 
present  would  have  been  immediately  put  to  death. 
Soon  after,  Great-mortar  caused  his  people  to  fall  upon 
the  English  traders,  and  they  murdered  ten.  Fourteen 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Longcane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-six,  next  were  his  victims.  He  now  received 
a  commission  from  the  French,  and  the  better  to  en 
list  the  Cherokees  and  others  in  his  cause,  removed 
with  his  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  upon  a 
river,  by  which  he  could  receive  supplies,  from  the 
fort  at  Alabama.  Neither  the  French  nor  Great-mor 
tar  were  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their  newly 
chosen  position  ;  for  young  warriors  joined  him  therein 
great  numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming  a  general  ren 
dezvous  for  all  the  Mississippi  Indians.  Fortunately, 
however,  for  the  English,  the  Chickasaws  in  their  in 
terest,  plucked  up  this  Bohon  upas,  before  its  branches 
were  yet  extended.  They  fell  upon  them  by  surprise, 
killed  the  brother  of  Great-mortar,  and  completely  de 
stroyed  their  design.  He  fled,  not  to  his  native  place, 
but  to  one  from  whence  he  could  best  annoy  the  En 
glish  settlements,  and  commenced  anew  the  work  of 


120 


HANKAMAGUS. 


death.     Augusta,  in  Georgia,  and  many  scattering  set 
tiers  were   destroyed.*       Those   ravages    were  con 
tinued  until  their  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the 
Americans  under  gen.  Grant,  in  I761.f     The  fate  of 
Great-mortar,  like  many  others,  is  hidden  from  us. 

HankamagUS,  commonly  in  the  histories 
called  Hogkins,  Hawkins,  or  Hakins.  He  was  a  Pen- 
nakook  Sachem,  and  an  artful,  persevering,  faithful 
man,  as  long  as  he  could  depend  upon  the  English  for 
protection.  But  when  governor  Cranfield,  of  New 
Hampshire  used  his  endeavors  to  bring  down  the  Mo 
hawks  to  destroy  the  Eastern  Indians,  in  1684,  who 
were  constantly  stirred  up  by  the  French  to  commit 
depredations  upon  the  English,  Hankamagus,  knowing 
they  made  no  distinction  where  they  came,  fled  to  the 
eastward  and  joined  the  Androscoggins.  He  had  a 
fort  upon  that  river,  where  his  family  and  that  of 
another  Sachem,  called  Worombos,  lived.  But  before 
he  fled  his  country,  he  addressed  several  letters  to 
the  governor,  which  discover  his  fidelity  as  well  as  his 
fears  ;  and  from  which  there  is  no  doubt  but  he  would 
always  gladly  have  lived  in  his  own  country,  and  on 
the  most  intimate  and  friendly  terms  with  the  English, 
to  whom  he  had  become  attached,  and  had  adopted 
much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write.  The 
following  letter  fully  explains  the  situation  of  his  mind 
and  his  feeling,  at  the  time  he  expected  the  Mohawks 
would  ravage  his  country. 

"  May  1  5th,  1  685.  Honor  governor  my  friend.  You 
my  friend  I"  desire  your  worship  and  your  power,  be 
cause  I  hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters  this  one. 
I  am  poor  and  naked  and  have  no  men  at  my  place 
because  I  afraid  allways  Mohogs  he  will  kill  me  every 


*  Adair's  Hist.  N.  American  Indians.!254> 
t  Wynne's  Brit.  Empire,  II,  283. 


HANKAMAGUS*  121 

day  and  night.  If  your  worship  when  please  pray 
help  me  you  no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  place  at 
Malamake  river  called  Panukkog  and  Nattukkog,  I 
will  submit  your  worship  and  your  power.  And  now 
I  want  pouder  and  such  alminishon,  shatt  and  guns, 
because  I  have  forth  at  rny  horn  and  I  plant  theare." 

The  above  letter  is  signed  by  himself  and  fourteen 
of  his  principal  men.  Whether  he  were  among  the 
Pennakooks  seized  by  major  Waldron  about  ten  years 
before,  is  not  certain,  or  if  he  were  it  is  not  probable 
any  resentment  remained  in  his  breast  against  him  on 
that  account,  as  the  Pennakooks  were  all  permitted  to 
return  home ;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  the  director 
and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  fell  upon 
Waldron  not  long  afterward,  and  which  is  as  much 
chargeable  upon  the  maltreatment  they  received  from 
the  English,  at  least,  as  upon  any  agency  of  the  French. 
It  may  be  true  that  many  belonging  to  the  eastward, 
who  were  seized  with  the  Pennakooks,  and  sold  or 
left  in  foreign  countries,  had  found  their  way  back 
among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  the  first 
opportunity  of  revenging  themselves  \ipon  the  author 
of  their  unjust  expatriation. 

Major  Waldron  lived  at  Dover,*  New  Hampshire,  in 
a  strongly  garrisoned  house,  where  were  also  four 
more.  Hankamagus  had  artfully  contrived  a  stratagem 
to  effect  the  surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  others  be 
side  the  Pennakooks  from  different  places  ready  in 
great  numbers,  to  prosecute  the  undertaking.  The 
plan  was  this.  Two  squaws  were  sent  to  each  gar 
rison  house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  all  night,  and  when 
all  should  be  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to 
the  warriors.  Masandowet,  who  was  next  to  Hankam 
agus,  went  to  major  Waldron's,  and  informed  him  that 
*  Then  called  by  its  Indian  name  Quochecho. 


122  HANKAMAGUS. 

the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade  with 
him.  While  at  supper  with  the  major,  Masandowtt 
said  to  him,  with  an  air  of  familiarity,  "Brother  Wed- 
dron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians  should 
come?"  To  which  he  Tauntingly  replied,  "that  he 
could  assemble  an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  fin 
ger."  In  this  security  the  gates  were  opened  at  mid 
night,  and  the  Avork  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury. 
One  garrison  only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the 
squaws.  They  rushed  into  Waldron's  house  in  great 
numbers,  and  while  some  guarded  the  door,  others 
commenced  the  slaughter  of  all  who  resisted.  W(d- 
dron  was  now  eighty  years  of  age,  yet  seizing  his 
sword,  defended  himself  with  great  resolution,  and  at 
first  drove  the  Indians  before  him  from  room  to  room, 
until  one  getting  behind  him,  knocked  him  down  with 
his  hatchet.  They  now  seized  upon,  and  dragged  him 
into  the  great  room,  and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair 
upon  a  table.  While  they  were  thus  dealing  with  the 
master  of  the  house  they  obliged  the  family  to  provide 
them  a  supper,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  they  took 
off  his  clothes,  and  proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the 
most  dreadful  manner.  Some  gashed  his  breast  with 
knives,  saying  "  I  cross  out  my  account,"  others  cut 
off  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him  "Now  will 
your  fist  weigh  a  pound  ?"  After  cutting  off  his  nose 
and  ears,  and  forcing  them  into  his  mouth,  he  became 
faint  from  loss  of  blood  ;  and  some  holding  his  own 
sword  on  end  upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and 
thus  ended  his  misery. 

The  Indians  had  been  greatly  abused  and  wronged 
in  their  trading  with  the  whites,  and  it  is  a  tradition 
to  this  day  all  over  that  part  of  the  country,  that  major 
Waldron  took  great  advantage  of  them  in  trade,  and 
did  not  cross  out  their  accounts  when  they  had  paid 


HAWKINS.  123 

him ;  and  that  in  buying  beaver,  his  fist  was  accounted 
to  weigh  a  pound.  Although  he  may  have  taken  no 
more  advantage  of  the  Indians  than  the  majority  of 
Indian  traders,  yet  at  this  distant  day,  extenuation  will 
not  be  looked  -for  in  impartial  accounts  of  the  transac 
tions  of  our  ancestors  with  the  Indians. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison  houses 
that  fell  into  their  hands.  They  kept  the  place  until 
the  next  morning,  when,  after  collecting  all  the  plun 
der  they  could  carry,  took  up  their  march  with  twenty- 
nine  captives,  into  the  wilderness  towards  Canada  j 
where  the  chief  of  them  were  bought  by  the  French, 
and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again.  Twenty- 
three  were  killed  before  they  left  the  place.  This  af 
fair  took  place  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  June,  1689, 
Several  friendly  Indians  informed  capt.  Henchman  at 
Chelmsford,  of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon  Dover, 
and  he  despatched  a  letter  in  season  to  have  notified 
the  people,  but  on  account  of  some  delay  at  Newbury 
ferry,  the  benefit  was  lost. 

Four  years  after,  col.  Church  took  Hankamagus'  fort, 
which  was  upon  the  Androscoggin,  about  twenty  or 
thirty  miles  from  its  mouth,  but  he  was  then  absent. 
His]wife  fell  into  Church's  hands,  who  left  word  with 
some  which  he  set  at  liberty,  that  if  Hakins,  as  he  was 
then  called,  wished  to  see  her  he  must  come  to  the 
garrison  at  Wells ;  but  whether  he  did,  or  what  was 
his  end  we  do  not  learn. 

liar  fling)  (Josiah)  one  of  the  principal  men  of 
those  confined  on  Deer  Island,  and  suffered  greatly 
from  sickness,  in  Philip's  war. 

Hawkins  (Will)  by  birth  a  Narraganset,  wag 
employed  by  the  English,  in  some  ordinary  capacity, 
as  many  of  the  natives  were.  He  was  living  near 
Salem  before  the  time  of  Philip's  war,  but  about  the 


124  HEGOST. 

close  of  it,  seems  to  have  'attached  himself  to  the  Wa^ 
mesits.  At  this  time  there  was  a  stack  of  hay  burnt 
at  that  place  by  some  of  the  enemy,  but  as  the  enemy 
offered  no  chance  to  gratify  the  ire  of  the  English, 
they  sought  revenge  upon  those  Christian  Indians  re 
siding  there.  Consequently  thirty-three  of  them  were 
sent  prisoners  to  Charlestown ;  and,  after  some  exami 
nation,  three  of  them,  of  whom  Hawkins  was  one, 
were  ordered  to  be  sold  into  slavery. 

As  a  singularity  in  legislative  proceedings,  it  may 
be  mentioned,  that  a  vote  passed  the  house  of  deputies, 
finding  all  the  Wamesits  guilty  of  burning  the  hay, 
but  that  the  magistrates  did  not  see  fit  to  consent  to  it. 
And  thus,  after  being  imprisoned  some  time,  all  ex 
cept  thirteen,  including  the  three  before  named,  were 
permitted  to  return  home  to  their  wives  and  children. 
More  particulars  will  be  found  under  the  head  Namp- 
how. 

WfcgOH*  an  eastern  chief.  There  is  a  tradition 
among  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Maine,  of  the  sin 
gular  fate  of  an  Indian,  which  they  say  was  tied  upon 
a  horse  with  spurs  upon  his  heels,  which  from  the 
manner  he  was  lashed  to  the  animal,  continually  goaded 
him.  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furi 
ously  through  an  orchard,  and  the  craggy  limb&  of  the 
trees  tore  him  to  pieces.  Mather,  in  his  Decennium 
Luctuosum,*  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the  kind, 
which  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1794,  where  the  Indians 
having  taken  some  horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  main 
and  tail  of  one,  on  which,  "a  son  of  the  famous  Hegon 
was  ambitious  to  mount."  "  But  being  a  pitiful  horse 
man,  he  ordered  them,~  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his 
legs  fast  under  the  horses  belly.  No  sooner  was  this 
beggar  set  on  horse  back,  and  the  spark,  in  his  own 
*  Magnalia,  II,  546. 


HENDRICK.  125 

opinion,  thoroughly  equipt,  but  the  nettlesome  horse 
furiously  and  presently  ran  with  him  out  of  sight. 
Neither  horse  nor  man  were  ever  seen  any  more.  The 
astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of  their  nobility, 
disappearing  by  such  an  unexpected  accident.  A  few 
days  after  they  found  one  of  his  legs,  (and  that  was 
all,)  which  they  buried  in  capt.  Bracket's  cellar,  with 
abundance  of  lamentation." 

ItcigOH  (Mogg,)  Sagamore  of  Saco  river,  was 
son  of  Walter  Hiegon.  He  sold  to  William  Philips,  of 
Saco,  in  1664,  "  a  tract  of  land,  being  bounded  with 
Saco  river  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Kennebunk  river  on 
the  S.  W.  side."  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco 
river  to  Salmon  Falls,  and  the  Kennebunk  to  a  point 
opposite  the  former.  No  amount  is  mentioned  as  a 
consideration,  but  merely  "  a  certain  sum  in  goods."* 

IlCUflrich'j  a  gallant  Mohawk  chief,  who  took 
part  with  many  of  his  men,  against  the  French,  in  the 
war  of  1755.  The  French  were  encouraged  by  the 
defeat  of  gen.  Braddock,  and  were  in  high  expectation 
of  carrying  all  before  them.  Hendrick  joined  the  En 
glish  army  at  the  request  of  gen.  Johnson,  and  met  the 
French,  consisting  of  200  men  under  gen.  Dieskau,  at 
lake  George.  While  the  English  and  Indians  were 
encamped  in  a  slight  work,  their  scouts  brought  news 
of  the  approach  of  the  French,  with  a  great  body  of 
Indians  upon  their 'flanks.  Gen.  Johnson  despatched 
col.  Williams  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and 
Hendrick  with  200  of  his  warriors  to  give  them  battle ; 
but  falling  in  with  them  about  4  miles  from  camp,  and 
unexpectedly,  col.  Williams  and  Hendrick  were  killed, 
with  many  other  officers  and  privates  of  the  detach 
ment,  and  the  rest  fled  to  the  main  body  with  great 
precipitation,  infusing  consternation  into  the  whole 

*  Manuscript  documents. 


126 


HENDRICK. 


army.*  The  French  followed  closely  and  poured  in  « 
tremendous  fire,  which  did  very  little  execution,  from 
the  precaution  of  the  English  in  falling  flat  upon  their 
faces.  They  were  now  recovered  from  their  surprise, 
and  fought  with  bravery,  having  advantage  not  only 
in  numbers,  but  artillery,  of  which  the  French  had 
none.f  At  length  the  brave  Dieskau  was  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  and  his  Indians  being  terrified  at  the  havoc 
made  by  the  cannon  of  the  English,  fled  to  the  woods, 
and  the  regulars  were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  gen 
eral,  which  they  did  in  great  disorder.  Gen.  Dieskau 
was  found  in  the  pursuit,  supporting  himself  by  the 
stump  of  a  tree.  Supposing  plunder  to  be  the  first 
object  of  his  captors,  as  he  was  attempting  to  draw 
his  watch  to  present  to  them,  some  one  supposing  him 
to  be  searching  for  his  pistol,  discharged  his  gun  into 
bis  hips.  Notwithstanding  he  was  thus  twice  wound 
ed,  he  lived  to  reach  England,  but  he  died  soon  after. 
The  French  lost  800  men  in  the  attack. 

When  gen.  Johnson  was  about  to  detach  col.  Wil 
liams,  he  asked  Hendi'ick's  opinion,  whether  the 
force  was  sufficient.  To  which  he  replied,  "if  they 
are  to  fight,  they  are  too  few.  If  they  are  to  be  killed, 
they  are  too  many."  And  when  it  was  proposed  to 
divide  the  detachment  into  three  parts,  Hendrick  ob 
jected,  and  to  forcibly  express  the  impracticability  of  the 
plan,  picked  up  three  sticks,  and  putting  them  together, 
said  to  the  general,  "  You  see  now  that  these  cannot  be 
easily  broken ;  but  take  them  one  by  one,  and  you  may 
break  them  at  once."  But  from  this  valuable  coun 
cil  very  little  advantage  seems  to  have  been  derived. 

John  Konkapot  a  Stockbridge    Indian,  was  grandson 

*  The  English  lost  about  200  in  this  ambush.  Guthrie's 
Universal  history,  X.  94. 

r  Guthries  U.  Hist.  Vol.  X.  94. 


HOBOMOK.  127 

to  Hendrick.  And  he  informs  us  that  his  grandfather 
was  son  of  the  Wolf,  a  Mohegan  chief,  and  that  his 
mother  was  a  Mohawk.* 

IHaCOOmeS)  a  native  of  Edgartown,  was  the 
first  Christian  among  the  Indians  of  Martha's  Vine 
yard.  He  became  a  noted  preacher  among  them.  He 
soon  became  familiar  with  the  English,  on  their  first 
settling  upon  his  island,  in  1642,  and  embraced  their 
religion  with  ardour.  In  1646  he  preached  publicly, 
and  continued  to  instruct  his  countrymen  for  about 
40  years.  He  is  supposed  to  have  died  about  1690, 
at  a  great  age,  not  having  been  able  to  preach  for 
some  time  previous.!  -  Mr.  Gookin  says,  |  he  was  "  a 
grave  and  serious  Christian,  and  hath  had  a  great  bles 
sing  since  upon  his  posterity ;  for  his  sons  and  hie 
daughters  are  pious,  and  one  if  no  more  of  his  sons,  a 
teacher."  His  eldest  son's  name  was  Joel,  who  was 
educated  at  Cambridge,  but  died  young. 

MSobOMlofc^  a  Warnpanoag,  became  known  to  the 
Pilgrims  soon  after  Mr.  Winslow  and  Hopkin's  visit  to 
Massasoil,  as  will  be  found  in  the  life  of  that  chief,  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  more  firmly  his  friendship, 
"  which  was  much  furthered,  says  Morton,  by  an  In 
dian  named  Hobomok,  who  came  to  Jive  among  the 
English,  he  being  a  proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one 
that  was  in  account  among  the  Indians  in.  those  parts 
for  his  valor."  He  lived  with  them,  and  was  of  the 
greatest  service  in  learning  them  how  to  cultivate 
such  fruits  as  were  peculiar  to  the  country,  such 
as  corn,  beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  mission  to 
Massasoit,  to  learn  the  truth  of  a  report  that  the  Narra- 
gansets  had  made  war  upon  him,  and  his  interruption 
and  trouble  from  Corbitant  are  related  under  that  head. 

*  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc. 

t  Mayhew's  Indian  Converts,  1-12. 

\  In  his  Hist.  Col.  concerning  the  Indians. 


' 


128  HOBOMOK. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Massasoit,  the  Pilgrims  found 
that  they  need  not  apprehend  any  treachery  on  his 
part,  as  Hobomok  was  so  completely  in  their  interest, 
and  also  in  that  of  the  great  sachems,  that  he  would 
advise  them  if  anything  evil  were  on  foot  against 
thenu  What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was 
the  following  circumstance.  In  the  spring  of  the  year 
1622,  Hobomok  set  out  with  a  company  of  English  to 
conduct  them  in  a  trading  expedition  to  the  Massachu 
setts  ;  going  by  water,  as  soon  as  they  were  out  of 
sight,  a  false  messenger  came  running  into  Plirnouth 
town,  apparently  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and 
bleeding  from  a  wound  in  his  face.  He  told  them 
that  Corbitant  with  many  of  the  Narragansets,  and  he 
believed  that  Massasoit  with  them,  were  coming  to 
destroy  the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity, 
and  the  first  thought  of  the  people  was  to  bring  back 
their  military  trader,  who  had  just  gone  in  the  boat 
with  Hobomok.  A  piece  of  cannon  was  immediately 
discharged,  which,  to  their  great  joy  soon  caused  the 
boat  to  return,  not  having  got  out  of  hearing.  They 
had  no  sooner  arrived,  than  Hobomok  told  them  there 
was  no  truth  in  the  report,  and  said  it  was  a  plot  of 
Squanto,  who  was  then  with  them,  and  even  one  of 
those  in  the  boat ;  that  he  knew  Massasoit  would  not 
undertake  such  an  enterprise  without  consulting  him. 
Hobomok  was  confident  because  he  was  himself  a  great 
chief,  and  one  of  Massasoits.  counsellors.  Squanto  de 
nied  all  knowledge  of  any  plot,  and  thus  ended  the 
affair.  But  to  entirely  satisfy  the  English,  Hobomok 
sent  his  wife  to  Pokanoket  privately  to  gain  exact  in 
telligence,  and  her  return  only  verified  what  her  hus 
band  had  said.  There  is  but  little  doubt,  that  Squanto 
was  in  the  interest  of  Corbitant,  and  lived  among  the 
English  as  a  spie,  while  Hobomok  was  honestly,  as  he 
pretended,  a  strong  friend  to  them ;  but  for  some  time 


HOPEHOOD.  129 

it  was  nearly  impossible  for  them  to  know  which  was 
their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed  emulous  to  outvie 
the  other  in  good  offices.  They  were,  however,  at 
this  time  satisfied ;  for  Hobomok's  wife  having  told 
Massasoit  what  had  happened,  and  that  it  was  one  of 
Squanto's  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied  him  that 
that  Sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  therefore  demanded 
him  of  the  English,  that  he  might  put  him  to  death,  ac 
cording  to  their  law.  But  the  English  regarding  the 
benefit  resulting  to  them  from  saving  his  life,  more 
than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty,  evaded  the  demand, 
and  Squanto  was  preserved. 

Hobomok  was  greatly  beloved  by  Massasoit,  notwith 
standing  he  became  a  professed  Christian,  and  Massa 
soit  was  always  opposed  to  the  English  religion  him 
self.  It  will  be  told  in  the  life  of  the  great  Massasoit, 
how  valuable  was  the  agency  of  Hobomok,  in  faithfully 
revealing  the  mischievious  plot  of  Corbitant,  which 
terminated  in  the  death  of  Wittuwamet  and  Peksnot. 
He  was  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited 
Massasoit  in  his  sickness,  whom  before  their  arrival 
they  considered  dead,  which  caused  great  manifesta 
tions  of  grief  in  Hobomok.  He  often  exclaimed  as  they 
were  on  their  way,  <'  Neen  womasu  Sagimus,  neen  wo- 
masu  Sagimus,  &fc"  which  is  "  My  loving  Sachem,  my 
loving  Sachem !  many  have  I  known,  but  never  any 
like  thee." 

In  the  division  of  the  land  at  Pli mouth  among  the 
inhabitants,  Hobomok,  received  a  lot  as  his  share,  on 
which  he  resided  after  the  English  manner,  and  died 
a  Christian  among  them.  The  year  of  his  death  does 
not  appear,  but  was  previous  to  1642. 

StojtCllOOil^  a  chief  of  the  Nerigwoks,  son  of 
a  chief  of  the  name  of  Robinhood,  his  native  name 
11 


130  HOPEHOOD. 

appears  to  have  been  Wohawa.*  The  career  of  his 
warlike  exploits  was  long  and  bloody.  Our  first  no 
tice  of  him  is  in  Philip's  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house 
at  Newichewannok,  since  Berwick,  in  Maine.  Fifteen 
persons,  all  women  and  children,  were  in  the  house, 
and  Hopehood,  with  one  only  beside  himself,  thought 
to  surprise  them,  and  but  for  the  timely  discovery  of 
their  approach  by  a  young  woman  within,  would  have 
effected  their  purpose.  She  fastened  and  held  the 
door,  while  all  the  others  escaped  unobserved.  Hope- 
hood  and  his  companion  hewed  down  the  door,  and 
knocked  the  girl  on  the  head,  and  otherwise  wounding 
her,  left  her  for  dead.  They  took  two  children,  which 
a  fence  had  kept  from  escaping.  One  they  killed,  the 
other  they  carried  off  alive.  The  young  woman  re 
covered,  and  was  entirely  well  afterwards. 

On  the  18th  of  March,  1690,  was  the  horrid  massa 
cre  at  Salmon  falls.  Hopehood  had  joined  22  French 
men,  under  Hertel,  with  25  of  his  warriors.  They  at 
tacked  the  place  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  in  three  places. 
The  people  defended  themselves  as  well  as  they  were 
able,  in  their  consternation,  until  about  30  of  their 
best  men  were  slain,  when  they  gave  themselves  up  to 
the  mercy  of  the  besiegers ;  64  men  were  carried 
away  captive,  and  much  plunder.  They  burned  all 
the  houses,  and  the  barns  with  the  cattle  in  them.  The 
number  of  buildings  thus  destroyed  is  unknown,  but 
was  perhaps  about  30,  and  perhaps  200  head  of  cattle. 

In  the  same  year  Hopehood  appears  again  upon  our 
records.  In  May,  of  that  year,  at  the  head  of  a  party, 
he  fell  upon  Fox  point,  in  New  Hampshire,  killed  about 

*  Harris,  in  his  voyages,  II,  302,  says  he  was  a  Huron,  but 
as  he  cites  no  authorities,  we  know  not  how  he  came  by  his 
information. 


HORNOTLIMED.  131 

fourteen  persons,  and  carried  away  six,  after  burning 
several  houses.  This  was  as  easily  done,  says  Mather,* 
"  as  to  have  spoiled  an  ordinary  hen  roost."  Two  com 
panies  of  English  soon  collected  and  pursued  them ; 
came  up  with  them,  killed  some  and  recovered  consid 
erable  plunder.  In  this  action  Hopehood  was  wound 
ed,  and  lost  his  gun. 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on 
the  prisoners  taken  at  this  time,  but  which  our  limits 
will  not  admit  us  to  record.  Not  long  after  this,  Hope- 
hood  went  to  the  westward  "with  a  design,  says  Ma 
ther,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta,  into  his 
assistance."  The  Indians  of  Canada,  and  the  Five  Na 
tions,  were  then  at  war,  and  he  being  in  their  country, 
was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  Indians,  who  taking 
him  to  be  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  slew  him  and  many 
of  his  companions.  He  had  been  once  a  captive  to 
the  English,  and  served  a  time  in  Boston  as  a  slave. 
There  appears  to  have  been  another  Nerigwok  chief 
of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  gov.  Dudley  at 
Casco,  in  1703.* 

iltn'notluticd^  a  chief  of  a  clan  of  Creeks, 
commonly  called  Red-sticks.  This  name  was  given 
them,  in  the  late  Seminole  campaigns,  from  the  singu 
lar  manner  of  their  expressing  themselves  enemies  to 
the  United  States.  They  were  driven  out  from  the 
rest  of  the  Creek  nation  during  the  war  of  1813,  and 
established  themselves  at  a  village  called  Mickasauky. 
Here  they  erected  poles,  which  they  painted  red,  in 
mockery  of  the  American  liberty  poles,  and  hence  the 
name  of  Red-sticks.  Their  poles  were  ornamented 
with  the  scalps  which  they  had  taken  from  the  Amer 
icans.  This  village  of  the  Red-sticks  was  upon  the 

*  Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  B.  VII.  Art.  ix. 


132  HORNOTLIMED. 

shore  of  a  lake  of  the  same  name  as  their  village,  near 
the  northern  bounds  of  East  Florida. 

General  Gaines  had  orders  to  drive  the  Creeks  from 
the  lands  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  the  council  of 
their  nation,  and  accordingly  proceeded  to  Flint  river, 
where,  near  its  junction  with  the  Catahoochie,  he 
erected  a  fort  which  he  named  for  Scott.  Three  ves 
sels  having  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola 
on  the  30th  November,  1817,  with  military  stores  for 
the  supply  of  the  garrison,  but  from  contrary  winds 
was  unable  to  ascend.  Lieut.  Scott  was  dispatched 
for  his  assistance,  in  a  boat  with  forty  men.  The  old 
Chief  Hornotlimedj  who  had  just  before  been  driven 
from  Foul-town,  by  a  detachment  of  gem  Game's 
army,  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  had  concealed  them 
selves  in  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  when  lieut.  Scott 
and  his  men  returned,  were  fired  upon,  and  all  ex 
cept  six  soldiers,  who  jumped  overboard  and  swam 
to  the  opposite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of  the 
soldiers  had  been  left  for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  ves 
sels,  and  about  the  same  number  of  women  and  sick 
were  in  their  place.  These  fell  into  the  hands  of  Hor- 
notlimed  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains 
upon  the  side  of  the  boat,  took  off  their  scalpsr  and 
carried  them  to  Mickasauky,  where  they  exhibited  them 
upon  their  red  poles,  in  memory  of  their  victory. 
This  chief  was  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with  his  life 
for  this  massacre. 

The  Mickasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the 
army,  but  the  Indians  had  all  fled,  their  red  pole  was 
left  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it ;  many  of  which 
were  recognised  as  having  been  taken  from  lieut. 
Scott's  men.  A  vessel  cruising  near  the  mouth  of  Apa 
lachicola  river  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  Indians  in 


See  Penhallows  Ind.  Wars,  2. 


1YANOUGH.  133 

that  direction,  With  English  colors  displayed,  decoyed 
on  board  the  famous  chiefs,  Hornotlimed,  and  the 
prophet  Francis.  These  the  Americans  hanged  with 
out  trial  or  delay. 

Homybrookj  an  interpreter  at  the  treaty  made 
at  Pemmaquid  in  1693,  between  the  English  and  Eg- 
ermet,  Madokawando,  Bomazeen,  and  ten  other  eastern 
chiefs.* 

Ift9 ntC^i  (John)  one  of  the  Christian  Indians  who 
went  against  Philip  in  the  beginning  of  the  war  and 
performed  signal  services.  He  is  one  of  the  three 
meant,  in  speaking  before  of  Felix,  which  see. 

MtCWHSiSy  a  Sachem  of  the  Penobscot  tribe  in 
Maine,  in  1713.  We  meet  with  his  name  only  to  the 
treaty  concluded  by  the  English  with  them  in  that 
year,  as  mentioned  under  Bomazeen.  His  mark  or 
signature  to  that  instrument  is  a  rude  representation  of 
a  face.f 

ffOjKtfiilj  a  Sachem  of  Virginia,  a  second  broth 
er  of  Powhatan,  whom  he  succeeded,  on  the  death  of 
that  chief  in  April,  1618.  He  was  a  friend  to  the  En 
glish,  and  on  his  coming  into  power,  carne  with  Ope- 
kankanough  and  renewed  the  former  league.^  His  first 
name  was  Opitchepan. 

iijlinowgh,  Sachem  of  Cummaquid  and  Matak- 
iest,  (a  tract  of  country  between  Barnstable  and  Yar 
mouth,  upon  Cape  Cod.)  Noted  for  his  friendship  to 
the  Pilgrims  on  their  $rst  coming  to  Plimouth,  and 
one  of  those  whose  country  was  passed  through  by 
them  when  in  search  of  one  of  their  number  which 
had  been  lost  in  the  woods,  as  related  under  the  head 
Jlspinet. 

*  Magnalia,  II.  543.  t  Penhallow's  Indian  Wars. 

J  Smith's  Virginia,  II.  37. 


134  ItANOUGH. 

In  the  work  called  Mourt's  Journal,  we  read  as  fol* 
lows  concerning  him  :  "They  brought  us  to  their  Sa-> 
chern,  or  governor,  whom  they  call  lyanough,  a  man 
not  exceeding  twenty-six  years  of  age,  but  very  person 
able,  and  gentle,  courtious,  and  fair  conditioned,  in 
deed  not  like  a  savage,  save  for  his  attire.  His  enter 
tainment  was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and  his  cheer 
plentiful  and  various.  One  thing  was  very  grievous 
unto  us  at  this  place.  There  was  an  old  women, 
whom  we  judged  to  be  no  less  than  an  hundred  years 
old,  which  came  to  see  us,  because  she  never  saw 
English ;  yet  could  not  behold  us  without  breaking 
forth  into  great  passion  ;  weeping  and  crying  exces 
sively.  We  demanding  the  reason  of  it,  they  told  us, 
she  had  three  sons,  who,  when  Master  Hunt  was  in  these 
parts,  went  aboard  his  ship  to  trade  with  him,  and  he 
carried  them  captives  into  Spain,  by  which  means  she 
was  deprived  of  the  comfort  of  her  children  in  her 
old  age."  They  expressed  sorrow  for  her,  and  gave 
her  to  understand  that  she  need  apprehend  nothing 
from  them,  at  the  same  time  giving  her  a  few  trifles 
which  seemed  to  soothe  her. 

lyanough  conveyed  the  English  to  and  from  the 
country  of  Jlspinet,  and  assisted  them  much  in  the  ex 
pedition.  His  early  and  untimely  death  was  brought 
about  by  the  same  melancholy  circumstance  as  Jls- 
pinet. 

We  are  inclined  to  believe  that  capt.  Harlow,  instead 
of  Hunt,  took  away  the  three  sons  of  this  woman  ;  for 
capt.  Smith,  in  his  account  of  New  England,  mentions 
particularly  that  Harlow  took  three  natives  from  Cape 
Cod,  whose  names  were  "  Pechmo,  Monopet,  and  Peke* 
nimne."  And  adds,  "but  Pechmo  leaped  overboard, 
and  got  away  ;  and  not  long  after,  with  his  consorts, 
cut  their  boat  from  their  stern,  got  her  on  shore,  and  so 


JAMES-PRINTER.  135 

filled  her  with  sand,  and  guarded  her  with  bows  and  ar 
rows,  the  English  lost  her."  In  his  account  of  Hunt's 
taking  away  the  "  twenty-four  Savages,"  Smith  does 
not  mention  from  what  part  of  the  coast  he  took  them. 

Jack-Straw*  a  native,  who  lived  some  time  in 
England  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,*  and  afterwards  upon 
Connecticut  river,  with  a  Sagamore  called  Wdhguma* 
cut,  whom,  I  suppose  he  accompanied  as  an  interpret 
er.  Wahgumacut  having  come  to  Boston*  to  request 
the  governor  "  to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his 
country,  and  offers  to  find  them  corn,  and  give  them, 
yearly,  eighty  skins  of  beaver."  f  But  the  governor 
distrusting  his  honesty  did  not  comply.  The  fear 
Wahgumacut  was  in  of  the  Pequots  caused  him  to 
make  these  overtures.  This  was  in  1631.} 

•FrtCkoi/l)  a  Penobscot  chief,  in  J  7 13.  We  hear 
nothing  of  him  in  the  eastern  wars,  and  hence  con 
clude  that  he  was  not  conspicuous  in  them. 

James-printer ,  a  Christian  Indian  of  Hassan- 
amesit,  so  called,  from  the  circumstance  of  his  having 
worked  at  the  printing  business.  He  was  one  of  the 
eleven  given  an  account  of  under  Monaco.  He  was  a 
brother  to  Tukapewillin  and  Araweakin.  He  was 
brought  up  among  the  English,  and  was  employed  as 
a  pressman  in  printing  the  celebrated  Elliot's  Indian 
bible. 

*  "  The  imputation  of  the  first  bringing  in  of  tobacco  into 
England  lies  on  this  heroic  knight."  JVinstanley' s  Worthies, 
259.  "  Besides  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and  impairing 
of  our  inward  parts,  the  immoderate,  vain  and  phantastical 
abuse  of  the  hellish  weed,  corrupteth  the  natural  sweetness 
of  the  breath,  stupifieththe  brain ;  and  indeed  is  so  prejudicial  to 
the  general  esteem  of  our  country."  Ibid.  211.  What  think 
ye  of  this  verdict  ?  tobacco  eaters  !  If  you  are  not  satisfied, 
look  into  King  James's  book,  which  he  calls,  "a  counterblast 
of  tobacco." 
t  Princes  Chronology,  II,  25.  t  Backers'  New  England,  34. 


136  JANEHOH, 


j  Sagamore  of  Saugus,  now  Linn,  whose 
native  name  was  Moutoivampate,*  was  brother  of  Jo/m, 
Sagamore  of  Winisimet.  He  died  in  1633,  of  the 
small  pox,  "  with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that 
these  two  promised,  if  ever  they  recovered,  to  live 
with  the  English,  and  serve  their  God."f  The  histo 
ries  of  those  times  give  a  melancholy  picture  of  the 
distresses  caused  by  the  small  pox  among  the  "  wretch 
ed  natives."*  "  There  are,"  says  Mather,  "  some  old 
planters  surviving  to  this  day,  who  helped  to  bury  the 
dead  Indians  ;  even  whole  families  of  them  all  dead 
at  once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor 
infant  sucking  at  the  breast  of  the  dead  mother."! 
The  same  author  observes  that  before  the  disease  be 
gan,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English 
about  the  bounds  of  their  lands,  "  but  God  ended  the 
controversy  by  sending  the  small  pox  among  the  In 
dians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time  exceed 
ingly  numerous." 

tffinWHOh^  an  independent  Narraganset  chief, 
who  if  subject  to  the  "great  Sachem"  Miantunnomoh^ 
seems  to  have  been  nearly  independent.  In  1637,  the 
"  great  Sachem"  complained  to  the  government  of  Mas 
sachusetts  that+Janemoh  and  Wequash  had  done  him 
injury,  who  "gave  him  leave  to  right  himself,"  §  but 
whether  anything  further  were  done  we  do  not  hear. 
The  next  year  he  was  complained  of  for  robberies  up 
on  the  Long-islanders.  On  being  threatened  with 
war  by  the  Massachusetts  he  made  restitution  for  the 
injuries.  We  meet  with  him  no  more  until  1640, 
when  it  was  rumored  that  Miantunnomoh  was  trying 
to  unite  his  neighboring  countrymen  and  also  the  -Mo 
hawks  against  the  English.  Governor  Dudley  of  Mas- 

*  Lewis'  Hist.  Lynn,  48.    t  Hist,  of  New  England,  195. 

*  Relation,  &c.  23.  §  Winthrop,  Journal,!.  243. 


JETHRO.  137 


sachusetts  sent  messengers  to  him,  but  nothing  but 
friendship  was  evinced.  «« Only  Janemoh,  the  Nian- 
tick  Sachem,  carried  himself  proudly,  and  refused  to 
come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  anything,  only  he  said  he 
would  not  harm  us,  except  we  invaded  him."*  This 
was  no  less  noble  than  the  answer  of  the  emperor  of 
China  to  Earl  Macartney,  when  he  solicited  favors 
that  that  monarch  considered  as  belonging  to  all  na 
tions,  and  none  in  particular,  to  the  exclusion  of 
others,  f 

•fetHrO)  (Old,)  or  as  he  was  called  by  some,  John 
Jethro,i  a  person  of  considerable  note,  whose  resi 
dence  was  at  a  place  called  Nobscot-hill,  near  Sud- 
bury.  He  was  not  a  Christian  Indian,  although  when 
those  were  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  Old  Jethro,  with 
his  family  of  about  twelve  persons,  was  found  among 
them.  He  would  doubtless  have  continued  with  them 
but  for  the  threatening  aspect  of  the  English ;  and  in 
the  night,  as  an  opportunity  offered,  the  whole  family 
secretly  deserted.  He  was  considered  a  great  Powow, 
and  being  found  among  those  who  delivered  them 
selves  up  at  Cocheco,  after  the  war  was  ended,  was 
hanged  at  Boston.§ 

Mr  Hubbard  adds,||  in  the  triumphant  style  of  those 
days,  that  Monaco,  "  with  a  few  more  braggadocios 
like  himself,  Sagamore-sam,  Old  Jethro,  and  the  Sa 
gamore  of  Quabaog,  were  taken  by  the  English,  and 
were  seen-  marching  towards  the  gallows  with  halters 
about  their  necks,  with  which  they  were  hanged,  at 
the  town's  end,  36th  September,  1676." 

•FethrO)  (Peter,)  son  of  the  preceding,  was  one 

*  Ibidum,  II,  8.  t    Stanton's  Embassy. 

t    Cobbets  Manuscript  Narrative. 
§  Manuscript  of  Hon.  D.  Gookin. 
8  Narrative,  75,  4to  edition. 


138 


JOHN. 


of  the  Sagamores  who  subscribed  the  letter  brought  to 
the  English  by  Tom  Nepand,  which  see.  In  that  let 
ter  he  is  styled  scribe ;  hence  we  presume  that  he  had 
learned  the  English  language,  and  writing.*  Dr  L 
Mather  says,  "  That  abominable  Indian,  Peter  Jethro, 
betrayed  his  own  father,  and  other  Indians  of 
his  special  acquaintance,  unto  death."  f  He  was 
a  son  of  the  preceding,  and  is  the  same  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Hubbard  as  bringing  in  forty  of  his  countrymen 
«  at  one  time."J  To  this,  I  suppose,  Mr.  Mather  refers. 
JFohH-iVtih-OnC-eyCj  the  same  ag  Monaco, 
and  often  called  one-eyed-John.  Monoco  was  his  In 
dian  name,.under  which  his  history  will  be  found. 

*Fohll)  (Sagamore)  of  Winisimet,  now  Chelsea. 
As  early  as  1631,  he  had  cause  to  complain  that  some 
of  the  settlers  had  burnt  two  of  his  wigwams. 
"Which  wigwams,"  says  gov.  Dudley,  §  "  were  not 
inhabited,  but  stood  in  a  place  convenient  for  their 
shelter,  when  upon  occasion,  they  should  travel  that 
way."  The  court,  upon  examination,  found  that  a 
servant  of  sir  R.  Saltonstall,  had  been  the  means  of 
the  mischief,  whose  master  was  ordered  to  make  satis 
faction,  "  which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth, 
and  that  his  servant  pay  him  at  the  end  of  his 
time,  fifty  shillings  sterling."  ||  Sagamore  John  died 
at  Wamesit,  in  1633,  of  the  small  pox.H  He  desired 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  Englishman's  God,  in 
his  sickness,  and  requested  them  to  take  his  two  sons 
and  instruct  them  in  Christianity,  which  they  did.** 

*  Manuscript  of  Hon.  Daniel  Gookin. 

t  Prevalency  of  Prayer,  page  6. 

%  Indian  Wars  28,  4to  edition. 

§  Letter  to  theCountess  of  Lincoln,  in  Col.  Mas.  His.  Soc. 

JI  Prince's  Chronology. 

1f  History  of  New  England,  195.  650. 

**  Wonder  working  Providence. 


KATTSNANIT.  139 

,  (Sagamore)  a  Nipmuk  Sachem,  and  a 
traitor  to  his  country.  On  the  27th  of  July,  1676, 
doubtless  from  a  conviction  of  the  hopelessness  of  his 
cause,  came  to  Boston,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy 
of  the  English ;  whom  they  pardoned,  as  he  enticed 
along  with  him,  about  180  others.  And  that  he  might 
have  a  stronger  claim  on  their  clemency,  he  seized 
Matoonas,  and  his  son,  against  whom  he  knew  the  En 
glish  to  be  greatly  enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  at 
the  same  time.  On  death's  being  immediately  assign 
ed  as  the  lot  of  Matoonas,  Sagamore-john  requested 
that  he  might  execute  him  with  his  own  hands.  To 
keep  up  the  horrid  story  of  blood,  his  request  was 
granted  ;  and  he  took  Matoonas  into  the  common, 
bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  "  shot  him  to  death." 
To  the  above  Dr.  Mather  adds,*  « thus  did  the  Lord 
retaliate  upon  him  the  innocent  blood  which  he  had 
shed  ;  as  he  had  done,  so  God  requited  him." 

Although  much  had  been  alledged  against  John,  be 
fore  he  came  in,  but  afterwards  the  most  favorable 
construction  was  put  upon  his  couduct.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard  says,  he  "  affirmed  that  he  had  never  intended 
any  mischief  to  the  English  at  Brookfield,  the  last  year 
(near  which  village  it  seems  his  place  was)  but  that 
Philip  coining  over  night  amongst  them  he  was  forced, 
for  fear  of  his  own  life,  to  join  with  them  against  the 
English."  f 

Kattenanit,  (Job)  a  Christian  Natick,  who  had 
been  a  preacher  at  Magunkog,  Hopkinton,  and  be 
longed,  we  believe,  to  Massananesit ;  however  that 
may  be,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  beginning  of 
Philip's  war,  when  Philip's  men  made  a  descent  upon 
the  place,  with  the  intention  of  carrying  away  those 

*  Brief  History  of  the  war,  43. 
t  Narrative,  J01,4to  edition. 


140  KATTENANIT. 

Christian  Indians,  prisoners.  Job  made  his  escape 
from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at 
Mendon.  He  had  still  three  children  in  the  enemy's 
hands,  and  he  was  willing  to  run  any  venture  to  release 
them.  He  therefore  applied  for,  and  obtained  a  pass, 
assuring  him  safety,  provided  that  in  his  return  he 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English  scouts.  Be 
sides  liberating  his  children,  considerable  hopes  were 
entertained,  that  he  would  be  enabled  to  furnish  infor 
mation  of  the  enemy.  It  unfortunately  happened,  that 
before  he  had  passed  the  frontier,  he  fell  in  with  some 
English  soldiers,  who  treated  him  as  a  prisoner,  and 
an  enemy,  even  taking  from  him  his  clothes  and  gun, 
sent  him  to  the  governor  at  Boston ;  "  who  more  to 
satisfy  the  clamors  of  the  people  than  for  any  offence 
committed,"  he  was  assigned  to  the  common  jail, 
where  he  suffered  exceedingly  ,-  himself  and  many 
others  being  crowded  into  a  narrow  and  filthy  placed 
After  about  three  weeks  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to 
Deer  island. 

The  clamors  of  the  people  were  so  great  at  this 
time,  that  many  railed  at  major  Gookin,  who  gave  him 
the  pass,  as  guilty  of  furnishing  the  enemy  with  intel 
ligence. 

After  the  Narraganset  fight,  19th  of  December, 
1675,  the  English  were  very  anxious  to  gain  informa 
tion  relative  to  their  position,  and  accordingly  in 
structed  major  Gookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ 
some  friendly  Indian  spies,  who,  after  considerable  ne- 
gociation  among  them  at  Deer  island,  engaged  Job 
again,  and  James  Quannapohit,  alias  Quanapaug.  Their 
reward  was  to  be/ve  pounds  a  piece !  They  departed 
upon  this  service  before  day,  the  30th  of  December, 
and  during  their  mission,  behaved  with  great  pru- 
dence,  and  brought  valuable  information  to  the  En- 


* 

KATTENANIT.  141 

glish  on  their  return  ;  but  which,  from  intestine  bick 
erings,  turned  to  small  account. 

James  Quannapohit  returned  24th  of  Jan.  following, 
nearly  worn  out  and  famished ;  having  travelled  about 
eighty  miles  in  that  cold  season,  upon  snow  shoes,  the 
snow  being  very  deep.  The  information  which  he 
gave,  was  written  down  by  major  Gookin*  Among 
other  matters  he  stated  that  the  enemy  had  taken  up 
their  quarters  in  different  places,  probably  near  Scatta- 
cook,  many  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about 
Menumesse.  The  Nar«tgansets  had  not  yet  joined 
Philip  openly,  but  while  James  and  Job  were  among 
the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  from  Narraganset 
which  gave  them  much  joy,  for  they  expressed  an  ar 
dent  desire  to  join  them  and  Philip  in  prosecuting  the 
war.  They  said  their  loss  in  the  great  swamp  fight 
was  small.  In  three  weeks,  James  learned,  they  would 
assault  Lancaster,  which  accordingly  came  to  pass, 
upon  the  very  day,  which  he  said  they  intended  it.  He 
learned  and  thus  divulged  their  plans  to  a  great  extent. 
A  circumstance  now  occurred,  which  obliged  him  to 
make  his  escape,  which  was  this  :  He  found  a  friend 
and  protector  in  Mautamp,  one  of  the  Niprnuk  chiefs, 
who,  it  seems,  intended  shortly  to  visit  Philip;  and  in 
sisted  that  Quannapohit  should  accompany  him,  and  it 
was  with  no  small  difficulty  he  was  able  to  elude  the 
vigilant  eye  of  Mautamp  and  make  his  escape,  which 
however,  was  effected,  only  by  a  cunning  stratagem,  as 
follows.  He  told  Mautamp  that  he  had  fought  against 
Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that 
Philip  knew  him,  and  that  unless  he  could  go  to  him 
with  some  important  trophy,  Philip  would  not  believe 
him,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And  moreover 
Tukapawillin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had 

*  The  same  published  in  Col.  Mas.  His.  Soc.  1.  vi.  205^208. 
12 


142  KATTENANIT. 

given  out  word  that  certain  praying  Indians  should  be 
sought  after,  and  if  possible,  seized  and  brought  to 
him :  for  he  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a  cruel 
manner,  with  his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  one  of 
them.  He  therefore  told  Mautamp  that  he  would  go, 
in  the  first  place  and  kill  some  English,  and  take  their 
heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  consider 
himself  safe.  This  being  consented  to,  he  lost  no 
time  iri  retracing  his  steps  to  the  frontiers  of  the  En 
glish. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  or  <One-eyed-john  as  a  great 
captain  among  the  enemy,  who  also  treated  him  kind 
ly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam  during  his  stay 
there ;  he  being  an  old  acquaintance.  They  had 
served  together  in  their  wars  against  the  Mohawks, 
ten  years  before. 

Job  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Quannapohit, 
but  saw  no  way  of  getting  away  his  children,  which 
was  a  main  object  with  him.  He  knew  too  that 
James  could  give  all  the  information  they  both  possess 
ed  at  that  period,  and  not  considering  himself  in  im- 
inent  danger,  preferred  to  tarry  longer. 

He  returned  to  the  English  in  the  night  of  the  9th 
of  February  and  said,  as  James  had  before,  that  on 
the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  attacked,  for  he  knew 
about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  already  on 
their  march.  The  result  has  already  been  told. 

He  further  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy 
would  shortly  attack  Medfield,  Groton,  Marlboro',  and 
other  places,  and  that  the  Narragansets  had  joined 
Philip  and  the  Nipmuks. 

Before  he  left  the  enemy  he  appointed  a  place  of 
safety  for  his  children,  and  sundry  others  of  his  friends, 
captured  at  Hassanamesit,  where  he  would  afterwards 
meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English.  He  there- 


KATTENANIT.  143 

fore  petitioned  the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them, 
which  was  granted.  But  he  now  had  new  difficulties 
to  encounter,  owing  to  "the  rude  temper  of  those 
times,"  as  one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed 
it.*  Although  both  these  men  had  acquitted  them 
selves  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  authorities  who 
sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of 
giving  information  to  the  enemy,  and  that  they  were 
secretly  their  advisers,  or  else  they  had  not  returned 
in  safety ;  to  appease  which  they  were  confined  again 
to  the  Island.  This  so  interfered  with  the  time  set 
by  Job  to  meet  his  children  *nd  friends,  that  great  suf 
ferings  ensued  to  them,  as  well  as  to  himself;  and  he 
knew  not  that  ever  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to 
see  his  children  again.  But  it  much  sooner  happened, 
no  doubt,  than  he  expected,  although  in  an  indirect 
way.  About  the  time  he  was  sent  to  the  island,  a 
vote  passed  in  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to 
raise  an  army  of  six  hundred  men,  and  major  Thomas 
Savage  was  applied  to,  to  conduct  them  in  the  war. 
He  refused,  unless  he  could  have  some  of  the  friendly 
Indians  from  the  island  for  assistants.  On  a  messen 
ger  being  sent  among  them,  six  of  their  principal  and 
bravest  men  volunteered  in  that  service,  among  whom 
was  Job  Kattenanit.  The  army  marched  about  the  first 
of  March,  1675,  O.  S.  But  when  at  Maryborough, 
Job  got  liberty  of  major  Savage  and  major  gen.  Denni- 
son,  to  attempt  the  finding  of  his  friends  and  children, 
whom  he  had  appointed  to  meet  near  Hassanamesit. 
When  it  was  known  to  [capt.  Mosely,]  f  he  behaved 

*  Major  Daniel  Gookin,  who  was  at  least  an  hundred  years 
in  advance  of  that  age. 

t  It  may  he  a  question  with  some  whether  the  captain 
meant,  in  the  original  documents,  were  Mosely,  but  I  think 
I  conjecture  rightly. 


144  KATTENANIT. 

himself  very  unbecoming  towards  the  commanding 
officer,  and  nothing  but  his  popularity  with  the  army 
saved  his  reputation.  Indeed  his  conduct  seems  quite 
as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a  more  modern  Indian  hunt 
er  in  the  Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  humanity  joined 
to  condemn.  Mosdy,  it  appears  would  place  no  con 
fidence  in  any  Indian,  and  doubtless  thought  he  was 
acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  He  urged 
that  it  was  a  most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  In 
dian  to  go  away  at  this  time,  knowing  their  natural 
treacherousness  ;  and  he  doubted  not  but  Job,  (although 
a  tried  friend,)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  ap 
proach  of  the  army, 'which  would  frustrate  all  their 
designs.  The  great  ascendency  which  this  officer 
held  in  the  army  can  best  be  understood  by  a  simple 
statement  of  the  fact,  that  major  Savage  arid  gen.  Den- 
nison,  were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the  soldiery 
would  cease  their  clamours.  Capt.  Wadsworth  and 
capt.  Syll,  accompanied  by  James  Quannapohit,  went 
in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed.  But  they  did  not 
overtake  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  army  with 
out  finding  his  friends ;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery, 
having  changed  their  place,  the  time  having  been 
much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  sufferings  were 
indiscribable. 

JWe  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they 
afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  party  of  English, 
who  treated  them  very  ill,  taking  every  thing  from 
them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  major  Savage, 
he  treated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston, 
all  except  four,  who  ran  away  from  Maryborough, 
where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from  the  fear  of 
being  murdered ;  some  of  the  people*  so  abused  them. 
And  it  was  about  two  months  after,  that  they  were 
found  and  brought  in  by  Nepanet.  Finally,  Job  recov- 


KEEWAYGOOSHKUM.  145 

ered  all  his  children,  and  marrying  again,  lived  very 
happily.  His  wife  was  one  of  those  which  he  had 
managed  to  deliver  out  of  the  hands  of  the  enemy  at 
such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their  wan 
derings  nursed'  and  kept  alive  his  children,  one  es 
pecially  which  was  very  young. 

When  the  Hassanamesits  went  off  with  the  enemy, 
James  Quannapohit  was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the 
English  forces.  Capt.  Syll  sent  out  a  scout,  and 
James  and  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.  Seven  of  the 
enemy  were  soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  lead 
ing  an  English  prisoner.  They  discovered  the  English 
scout  and  fled.  James  and  Elizer  pursued  them  and 
recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  name  was  Christopher 
Muchin,  who  had  been  taken  from  Marlborough.  James 
also  took  one  of  the  enemies  guns.* 

KeewaygOOShkwnij  a  chief  of  the  first  au 
thority  among  the  Ottoways  in  1821,  when  governor 
Cass  entered  into  a  treaty  with  him  and  the  chiefs  of 
several  other  tribes,  at  Chicago,  on  lake  Michigan,  and 
bought  a  large  tract  of  country  of  them.  In  a  speech 
which  Keewaygooshkum  made  at  the  time,  his  remark 
able  knowledge  of  the  historical  events  relating  to  the 
intercourse  of  the  red  and  white  men,  is  very  striking. 
"A  series  of  misfortunes,"  says  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  has 
since  overtaken  this  friendly,  modest,  and  sensible 
chief.  On  returning  from  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  while 
off  the  mouth  of  grand  river,  in  lake  Michigan,  his  ca 
noe  was  struck  by  a  flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  After 
making  every  exertion,  he  saw  his  wife  and  all  his 
children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his  son  he 
reached  the  shore ;  but  as  if  to  crown  his  misfortunes, 
this  only  surviving  child  has  since  been  poisoned  for 
the  part  he  took  in  the  treaty." 

*  Gookins  MS.  Hist.  Christian  Indians 


146  KEEWAYGOOSHKtTM. 

The  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  relinquishment  by 
the  Ottaways,  Chippeways,  and  Pottowattomys,  of  a 
tract  of  country  in  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula 
of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5000,000  acres^ 
and  for  which  they  received  of  the  United  States,  in 
goods,,  35000  dollars,  and  several  other  sums  to  the 
separate  tribes,  to  some  yearly  forever,  and  to  others 
for  a  limited  term  of  years.  Some  of  the  chiefs  who 
attened  to  the  treaty  were  opposed  to  this  sale,  and 
hence  the  reason  that  Kcewaygooshkum's  son  was  pois 
oned. 

Koange  in  the  following  speech  opposed  it  in  a 
manly  style.  He  was  a  chief  of  mature  age,  and  of  a 
venerable  aspect. 

"  My  Father ;  since  you  heard  from  our  brothers, 
the  Chippewas  and  Ottawas,  we  have  counselled  to 
gether.  It  is  now  your  wish  to  hear  the  sentiments 
of  the  Three  Nations.  I  shall  deliver  them.  Some 
times  the  Indians  have  acted  like  children.  When 
requested  they  have  signed  away  their  lands  without 
consideration.  This  has  always  made  trouble  in 
the  nation,  and  blood  has  been  spilt  in  consequence. 
We  wish  to  avoid  such  foolish  and  bad  conduct.  The 
last  time  we  sat  down  in  council  together,  we  had  not 
fully  consulted  tach  other ;  and  perhaps  you  drew  a 
wrong  conclusion  from  what  we  said.  We  did  not 
consent  to  your  request.  In  times  past,  when  you 
have  asked  us  for  lands,  we  have  freely  sold  them. 
At  present  there  are  a  number  of  our  people  opposed  to 
selling,  and  we  have  found  it  very  difficult  to  agree 
in  mind.  One  point  in  particular,  we  differ  much 
upon  ;  it  is  the  extent  of  the  grant  you  request,  Wre 
give  you  one  more  proof  of  our  friendship,  by  meet 
ing  you  in  this  council.  You  know  our  minds — we 
now  take  you  by  the  hand.  Look  down  upon  u* 


KENEBIS,  147 

with  compassion,  and  wish  us  well."  This,  Mr. 
Schoolcraft  says,  was  rather  more  favorably  rendered 
by  the  interpreter,  than  it  should  have  been,  in  regard 
to  the  disposal  of  the  land.  We  think  it  speaks  in  de 
cided  terms  against  it,  but  we  find  his  name  to  the 
treaty. 

JK(0f9tffS9  a  subject  of  Powhatan^  Sachem  of  Vir 
ginia.  He  was  a  great  enemy  to  the  English,  and 
was  taken  prisoner  by  capt.  Smith,  with  another  call 
ed  Tassore.  He  says*  they  were  "the  two  most 
exact  villaines  in  all  the  country,"  and  who  "  would 
have  betrayed  both  king  and  kindred  for  a  peece 
of  copper."  The  English  kept  them  a  consider 
able  time,  *'  fettered  prisoners,  and  did  double  task, 
and  4fcught  vs  how  to  order  and  plant  our  fields  : 
whom  now  for  want  of  victuals  we  set  at  liberty,  but 
so  well  they  liked  our  companies*  they  did  not  desire 
to  goe  from  vs."  Afterwards  when  some  discontented 
Englishmen  deserted  their  company  and  went  to  these 
men,  they  made  themselves*sport  with  them,  showing 
them  how  they  had  been  treated  while  prisoners,  and 
fed  them  according  to  the  work  they  did,  saying, 
"  those  who  will  not  work  shall  have  nothing  to  eat," 
and  then  sent  them  by  force,  back  to  Jamestown. 

KCHCbtSj  a  Sachem  who  conferred  a  name  on  a 
country  or  a  country  a  name  upon  him.  When  Maine 
became  known  to  the  Europeans,  a  sagamore  of  this 
name  resided  upon  the  Sagadahok,  and  they  after 
wards,  like  the  Virginians  in  the  case  of  Powhatan 
called  the  river  by  the  name  of  the  chief  Sachem  up 
on  it,  and  hence  comes  to  us  the  name  of  Kennebeck. 
Sullivan  f  tells  us  that  a  Sachem  of  this  name,  who 
was  contemporary  with  Jlbigadeset,  granted  nearly  all 

*   Hist.  Virginia,  I,  224. 
t  Hist.  District  of  Maine. 


148  KUTQUEN, 

the  land  upon  Kenriebeck  river,  and  much  of  it  sever 
al  times  over,  to  their  English  neighbors.  In  1649, 
Kenebis  sold  the  land,  up  as  high  as  Taconnet  falls,  to 
Christopher  Lawson,  and  about  the  same  time  the  same 
tract  to  Spencer  and  Clark,  comprehending  ten  miles 
on  each  side  of  the  river. 

KettCraWlOg'iS)    was   one   of  the   Nerigwok 
chiefs  in  1693. 


,  a  Penobscot  Sachem,  in  1713. 
At  which  time  with  seven  others,  he  subscribed  arti 
cles  of  submission  to  queen  Anne,  at  Portsmouth  in 
New  Hampshire.  His  mark  is  the  first  subscribed, 
and  was  made  to  represent  a  bird. 

Kokopotanauh)  one  of  the  last  Sachems  of 
Connecticut.  His  dominions  included  Derby,  ]\4ilford 
and  Stamford.  He  lived  at  the  first  mentioned  town, 
where  he  died  in  1731,  at  which  time  he  had  under 
him  about  sixty  men.* 

KtltqMCH-  a  sagamore,  one  of  those  who  signed 
the  letter  about  the  release  of  captives,  brought  from 
the  enemy  by  Tom  Nepanet,  in  April,  1676.f  (See 
Nepanet.)  A  Narraganset  of  this  name,  in  1649,  who, 
meeting  with  Uncos  in  an  English  vessel  in  Connecti 
cut  river,  ran  a  sword  into  his  breast,  which  wound,  it 
was  thought  for  some  time  would  prove  mortal;  "  which 
murderous  act,  the  assailant  then  confessed,  he  was 
for  a  considerable  sum  of  wampum,  by  the  Narragan 
set  and  Niantick  Sachems,  hired  to  attempt.  Ninigret, 
when  examined,  utterly  denied  his  having  a  hand  in 
that  act,  but  affirmed  that  Cuttaquin,  who  accused 
himself,  and  the  other  Sachems,  was  drawn  thereunto, 
by  torture  from  the  Mohawks."  | 
Kutshamtsquin^  Kutchmakin,  Cutshamoquen, 

*  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.       t  Manuscript  Documents. 
J  Mather's  Relation. 


LIGHTFOOT. 


149 


mean  the  same.  He  was  one  of  the  five  Sachems 
who  in  1643-4  signed  articles  of  submission  to  the 
English,  with  the  understanding  that  they  should  pro 
tect  him.  In  1636,  he  sold  to  Dorchester,  the  part  of 
that  town  since  called  Milton,  and  is  named  as  the  Sa 
chem  of  Massachusetts,  but  subject  to  Massasoit.  He 
was  at  first  opposed  to  the  settling  of  the  English  in 
his  country,  but  afterward  became  a  Christian.  When 
the  English  of  Massachusetts  sent  to  Canonicus  to  en 
quire  into  the  cause  of  the  murder  of  John  Oldham, 
Katshamaquin  went  with  them  as  interpreter.  In  this 
expedition  A*e  waylaid  a  Pequot  and  shot  him,  took 
off  his  scalp  and  sent  it  to  Canonicus,  who  sent  it  about 
among  his  Sachem  friends,  and  gave  the  English 
many  thanks,  and  Kutshamaquin  four  fathom  of  warn 
purn.f  He  seems  to  have  been  entirely  devoted  to  the 
English,  leagued  with  them  against  the  Pequots,  gave 
up  his  ammunition  he  had  bought  of  them,  by  their 
promising  to  restore  it,  opposed  the  claims  of  Miantun- 
nomoh ;  in  fine,  he  appears  to  have  done  in  all  things 
as  they  listed,  without  using  his  own  judgment  on  any 
occasion. 

He  told  Mr.  Elliot,  that  the  reason  he  was  opposed 
to  his  people  becoming  Christians,  was,  that  they 
would  then  pay  him  no  tribute.  A  weighty  matter, 
to  be  sure,  thus  to  have  his  laws  destroyed. 

jf/tg'htfbot)  a  Sogkonate,  so  named  by  the  En 
glish.  He  was  one  of  Awashonks  tribe,  who  volun 
teered  to  fight  with  capt.  Church  against  his  country 
men,  at  the  time  the  great  dance  was  held  by  that 
tribe  as  mentioned  in  the  life  of  AwasTionks.  When 
the  chief,  called  Little-eyes,  was  taken  at  Cushnet  in 
1676,  Lightfoot  was  sent  with  him,  to  what  is  now 
called  Palmer's  island,  near  the  mouth  of  that  river,  as 

t  Winthrop's  Journal. 


150  LIGHTFOOT. 

a  place  of  safety.  He  soon  after  joined  the  English 
captain  and  they  succeeded  in  capturing  the  Indians  in 
multitudes. 

Animated  by  the  success  some  Bridgewater  men 
had  in  killing  Philip's  uncle,  Jlkkompoin^  and  taking 
Philip's  wife  and  son,  on  the  30th  of  July,  as  they  were 
attempting  to  cross  Tehticut,  now  Taunton  river,  Light- 
foot  requested  capt.  Church  to  permit  him  to  make  an 
expedition  with  a  company  of  his  countrymen.  Wil 
ling  to  encourage  him,  Church  now  gave  him  a  cap 
tains  commission,  and  he  set  out.  He  was  gone  but 
one  day,  and  returned  with  thirteen  prisoners,  besides 
having  killed  several.  His  exploits  were  doubtless 
very  numerous  in  most  of  Church's  expeditions,  in 
and  about  Plimouth  Colony,  but  we  meet  with  nothing 
more  recorded  of  him,  until  we  come  to  the  expedi 
tions  among  the  eastern  Indians. 

When  Church  landed  at  Casco,  in  1689,  and  had  a 
considerable  fight  with  the  Indians,  Lightfoot  is  men 
tioned  for  a  remarkable  feat  of  dexterity.  The  Indi 
ans  began  the  attack,  before  the  English  had  got  much 
of  their  ammunition  on  shore.  The  soldiers  were  to 
be  supplied  from  the  fort,  where  the  bullets  were  first 
to  be  hammered  before  they  would  go  into  their  guns. 
The  tide  being  up,  made  an  estuary,  which  separated 
the  battle  ground  from  the  town.  As  soon  as  a  quan 
tity  of  ball  was  prepared,  Church  ran  with  it  to  supply 
his  men.  On  coming  to  the  arm  of  the  sea,  he  called 
to  his  men  for  some  one  to  adventure  across,  to  take  it 
to  the  army.  None  appeared  ready  but  Lightfoot.  He 
immediately  came,  "taking  the  powder  upon  his  head, 
and  a  kettle  of  bullets  in  each  hand  and  got  safe  to  his 
fellow  soldiers." 

The  English  forces  were  by  this  means  able  to  con 
tinue  the  fight,  and  after  some  time,  put  the  enemy  to 


LITTLE-CARPENTER.  151 

flight.  And  but  for  this  timely  arrival  of  Church  at 
Casco,  it  must  inevitably  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians.  Twelve  of  the  English  forces  were  killed, 
and  many  wounded  in  this  battle.  Of  the  Indians  no 
account  could  be  given  as  they  had  time  to  take  away 
their  dead  and  wounded  with  them., 

Little-Carpenter^  a  Cherokee  chief,  of  great 
note  in  his  time,  especially  as  he  acted  a  very  con 
spicuous  part  in  the  horrid  wars  those  tribes  were  in 
volved  in  with  the  English,  shortly  after  Braddock's 
defeat.  His  real  name  was  Attakidlakulla,  and  that  by 
which  he  ought  properly  to  appear  in  history. 

He  had  been  in  England,  and  had  spent  some  time 
there  previous  to  col.  Montgomery's  and  gen.  Grant's 
exterminating  wars,  in  1761.*  In  1756,  embassadors 
were  sent  to  the  Cherokees,  to  bind  them  more  strong 
ly  in  the  English  interest,  and  to  secure  their  aid 
against  the  French.  While  a  council  was  convened 
and  in  favorable  progress,  messengers  arrived,  bringing 
information  that  the  English  had  murdered  a  war  par 
ty  of  Cherokees,  while  returning  from  an  expedition 
against  the  French,  and  in  the  cause  of  the  English* 
A  captain  of  militia,  in  Augusta  county,  Virginia,  a 
back-settler,  having  entertained  said  party  as  friends,  in 
the  mean  time  stationed  a  band  of  ruffians  in  the  way 
they  were  to  pass,  who  fell  upon  and  murdered  them. 
Their  scalps  were  doubtless  the  object,  as  a  premium, 
was  then  paid  for  them  by  the  government,  but  the 
monster  made  another  pretence,  which  was  that  they 
had  stolen  his  poultry.  The  messengers  who  carried 
the  tidings  to  the  council,  were  some  who  escaped  the 
ambush,  and  their  information  threw  the  whole  into 
tumult,  and  a  great  number  of  the  council,  and  others 
present,  were  for  taking  revenge  by  murdering  all  the 

*  British  Empire  in  America. 


152  LITTLE-CARPENTER. 

English  embassadors  present ;  but  they  were  saved  by 
the  wisdom  and  magnanimity  of  Attakullakulla. 

The  brave  chief  hastened  to  inform  the  ernbassadors 
of  the  iminent  danger  that  awaited  them,  and  advised 
them  to  conceal  themselves  in  a  strong  place,  and  not 
to  be  seen  abroad,  which  they  speedily  attended  to. 
He  then  summoned  his  people  from  all  directions  to  ap 
pear  in  council.  When  they  were  convened,  he  laid 
all  circumstances  before  them,  and  recommended 
striking  a  deadly  blow  upon  the  English.  But  in  regard 
to  the  embassadors  he  spoke  as  follows :  "  Let  us  not 
violate  our  faith,  or  the  laws  of  hospitality,  by  imbru 
ing  our  hands  in  the  blood  of  those  who  are  now  in 
our  power.  They  came  to  us  in  the  confidence  of 
friendship,  with  belts  of  wampum  to  cement  a  perpet 
ual  alliance  with  us.  Let  us  carry  them  back  to  their 
own  settlements,  conduct  them  safely  within  their  con 
fines,  and  then  take  up  the  hatchet,  and  endeavour  to 
exterminate  the  whole  race  of  them."  This  council 
was  adopted,  the  embassadors  were  conducted  home, 
and  the  murderer  of  their  friends  demanded,  which 
was  not  granted,  and  thus  commenced  that  desolating 
war,  to  which  we  have  just  referred.* 

At  the  commencement  of  their  irruptions,  gov. 
Lyttleton,  of  South  Carolina,  hastily  marched  into  their 
country  at  the  head  of  a  strong  force,  and  caused  them 
to  sue  for  peace,  and  a  treaty  was  accordingly  conclu 
ded,  agreeably  to  the  dictation  of  the  English.  Twen 
ty-one  hostages  were  taken,  and  held  at  fort  Prince 
George,  where  the  treaty  was  made,  for  its.  due  obser 
vance.  But  no  sooner  had  the  governor  left  the  coun 
try,  than  the  Cherokees  attempted  to  surprise  it;  liber 
ate  their  friends  and  put  the  garrison  to  death.  They 
failed  in  .their  attempt,  but  during  the  attack,  some 

*  Burnaby,  Travels  in  N.  America,  4to.  London,  1798, 


LITTLE-TURTLE.  153 

were  killed  and  others  wounded  on  both  sides.  The 
hostages  were  ordered  to  be  put  in  irons,  in  the  exe 
cution  of  which,  a  soldier  was  killed  by  them,  and 
another  wounded.  This  so  enraged  the  English,  that 
they  fell  upon  the  hostages  and  put  them  to  death. 

Ravages  were  again  commenced  upon  the  frontiers, 
and  continued  until  the  expeditions  of  gen.  Grant,  not 
withstanding  col.  Montgomery  destroyed  many  of  their 
towns  and  killed  a  great  many  of  their  warriors. 

It  was  known  that  little-carpenter  was  opposed  to 
his  nation's  breaking  the  late  treaty,  and  he  was  there 
fore  informed  by  captives,  set  at  liberty  for  the  pur 
pose,  that  he  might  come  in  with  others  of  his  chiefs 
and  make  peace ,  but  none  would  hear  to  him,  and 
col.  Montgomery  resolved  on  another  expedition.  He 
went  out  in  June,  1760,  and  returned  to  fort  Prince 
George,  in  July,  with  the  loss  of  seventy  men.  Al 
though  he  killed  many,  and  done  the  Cherokees  great 
damage,  yet  it  only  irritated  them,  and  they  immedi 
ately  blockaded  fort  Loudon,  near  the  line  of  Virginia, 
and  all  chance  of  succour  being  cut  off,  the  garrison 
was  obliged  to  capitulate.  It  was  agreed  that  they 
should  march  to  their  homes  with  their  guns  and  neces 
sary  ammunition.  They  had  not  marched  far,  when 
they  were  surrounded  by  their  enemies,  twenty-five 
men  and  every  officer  killed,  except  capt.  Stewart, 
whose  life  was  saved  by  the  exertion  of  Little-carpen 
ter.  This  is  the  last  act  we  are  able  to  record  of  him. 

In  July  of  the  next  year,  the  Cherokees  were  en 
tirely  subdued  by  gen.  Grant,  at  the  head  of  about 
2600  men* 

•  JLitt le-t Urt le^  the  English  of  Mishikinakwa, 
the  name  of  a  great  chief  of  the  Miamis,  distinguished 
.as  a  great  warrior,  and  wise  counsellor.  He  led  the 

*  British  Empire  in  America.  Oct.  London.  1770. 
13 


154  LITTLE-TURTLE. 

united  tribes  which  so  successfully  fought  the  Ameri 
can  army  under  gen.  St.  Clair ;  therefore  it  will  be 
proper  to  narrate  that  event  in  this  article. 

The  western  nations  of  Indians  were  only  embold 
ened  by  the  battles  between  them  and  detachments  of 
gen.  Harmer's  army,  in  1790,  and  under  such  a  leader 
as  Mishikinakwa,  entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  bring 
ing  the  Americans  to  their  own  terms.  One  murder 
followed  another,  in  rapid  succession,  attended  by  all 
the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfare. 

President  Washington  took  the  earliest  opportunity 
of  recommending  Congress  to  adopt  prompt  and  effi 
cient  measures  for  checking  those  calamities,  and  2000 
men  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under  the  com 
mand  of  gen.  St.  Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North 
West  Territory.  He  received  his  appointment  the 
4th  of  March,  1791 ;  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Wash 
ington,  by  way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  dis 
patch,  where  he  arrived  May  15th.*  There  was 
much  time  lost  in  getting  the  troops  embodied  at  this 
place.  Gen.  Butler,  with  the  residue,  not  arriving  un 
til  the  middle  of  September.  There  were  various  cir 
cumstances  to  account  for  the  delays  which  it  is  un 
necessary  to  recount  here. 

Col.  Darke  proceeded  immediately  on  his  arrival, 
which  was  about  the  end  of  August,  and  built  fort 
Hamilton,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  country  of  Little-tur 
tle,  and  soon  after  fort  Jefferson  was  built  forty  miles 
farther  onward.  These  two  forts  being  left  manned, 
about  the  end  of  October  the  army  advanced,  being 
about  2000  strong,  militia  included,  whose  numbers 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  appear  by  the  misera 
ble  manner  in  which  they  not  only  confused  them 
selves,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

*  St.  Clair's  Narrative,  p.  4. 


LITTLE-TURTLE.  155 

Gen.  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in 
front  of  fort  Jefferson,  when  sixty  of  his  militia,  from 
pretended  disaffection,  commenced  a  retreat,  and  it 
was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably 
among  the  rest  of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they 
would  seize  upon  the  convoy''  of  provisions,  the.  gen. 
ordered  col.  Hamtramk  to  pursue  them  with  his  regi 
ment,  and  force  them  to  return.  The  army  now  con 
sisted  of  but  1400  effective  men,  and  this  was  the 
number  attacked  by  Little-turtle  and  his  warriors,  fif 
teen  miles  from  the  Miami  villages. 

Gen.  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  arid  col. 
Darke  the  left.  The  militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped  in  two  lines. 
They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage  when 
they  were  attacked  in  their  camp.  It  was  their  in 
tention  to  have  marched  immediately  to  the  destruction 
of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  their  movements  ap 
prised  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and 
firmness.  They  fell  upon  the  miljtia  before  sunrise, 
4th  of  November,  who  at  once  fled  into  the  main  camp, 
in  the  most  disorderly  and  tumultuous  manner ;  many 
of  them  having  thrown  away  their  guns,  were  pursued 
and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  camp  the  fight  was 
sustained  some  time,  by  the  great  exertions  of  the  of 
ficers,  but  with  great  inequality;  the  Indians  under 
Little-turtle  amounting  to  about  1500  warriors.  Cols. 
Darke  and  Butler,  and  major  Clark  made  several  suc 
cessful  charges,  which  enabled  them  to  save  some  of. 
their  numbers  by  checking  the  enemy  while  flight  was 
more  practicable. 

Five  hundred  and  ninety-three  were  killed  and 
missing,  beside  thirty-eight  officers,  and  242  soldiers 
and  twenty-one  officers  wounded  ;  many  of  whom 
died.  Col,  Butler  was  among  the  slain. 


1 56  LrTTLE-TURTLEY 

Gen.  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  for  the  dis 
astrous  issue  of  this  campaign,  and  was  honorably 
acquitted.  He  published  a  particular  narrative  of  the 
whole  transaction  from  beginning  to  end,  from  which 
we  collect  the  chief  of  our  information.  And  we  will 
add  in  his  own  words  *  what  he  says  to  the  Secretary 
of  war,  of  his  retreat.  "  The  retreat  was,  you  may  be 
sure,  a  precipitate  one  ;  it  was  in  fact  a  flight.  The 
camp  and  the  artillery  were  abandoned,  but  that  was 
unavoidable,  for  not  a  horse  was  left  alive  to  have 
drawn  it  off,  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable.  But 
the  most  disgraceful  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the 
greatest  part  of  the  men  threw  away  their  arms  and 
.accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  con 
tinued  about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I  found  the 
road  strewed  with  them  for  many  miles,  but  was  not 
able  to  remedy  it ;  for  having  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  upon  one  that  could  not  be  pricked 
out  of  a  walk,  I  could  not  get  forward  myself,  and  the 
orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt  the  front,  or  pre 
vent  the  men  from  parting  with  their  arms,  were  un 
attended  to." 

The  remnant  of  the  army  arrived  at  fort  Jefferson 
the  same  day,  just  before  sunset,  the  place  from  which 
they  fled  being  twenty-nine  miles  distant.  Gen.  St. 
Clair  did  every  thing  that  a  brave  general  could  do. 
He  exposed  himself  to  every  danger,  having  during 
the  action  eight  bullets  shot  through  his  clothes.  In 
no  attack  on  our  records,  did  the  Indians  discover 
greater  bravery  and  determination.  After  giving  the 
first  fire  they  rushed  forward  with  tomahawk  in  hand. 
Their  loss  was  inconsiderable,  but  the  traders  after 
wards  learned  among  them  that  Little-turtle  had  an 
hundred  and  fifty  killed  and  many  wounded.*  "  They 

*    Penn.  Gazette,  of  that  year. 


LITTLE-TURTLE.  157 

rushed  on  the  artillery  heedless  of  their  fire,  and  took 
two  pieces  in  an  instant.  They  were  again  retaken 
by  our  troops ;  and  whenever  the  army  charged  them, 
they  were  seen  to  give  way  and  advance  again  as 
soon  as  they  began  to  retreat,  doing  great  execution, 
both  in  the  retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very  dex 
trous  in  covering  themselves  with  trees;  many  of 
them  however  fell,  both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery." 
"  Six  or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  fell  into  their  hands, 
with  about  400  horses,  all  the  baggage,  ammunition, 
and  provisions."* 

It  has  been  generally  said  that  had  the  advice  of 
this  chief  been  taken  at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards 
with  gen.  Wayne,  there  is  but  little  doubt  but  he  had 
met  as  ill  success  as  gen.  St.  C/air.f  He  was  not  for 
fighting  gen.  Wayne  at  Presque  Isle,  and  inclined  rath 
er  to  peace  than  fighting  him  at  all.  In  a  council 
held  the  night  before  the  battle  he  argued  as  follows : 
"  We  have  beaten  the  enemy  twice,  under  separate 
commanders.  We  cannot  expect  the  same  good  for 
tune  always  to  attend  us.  The  Americans  are  now  led 
by  a  chief  who  never  sleeps :  the  night  and  the  day  are 
alike  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  that  he  has 
been  marching  upon  our  villages,  notwithstanding  the 
watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  we  have  never  been 
able  to  surprise  him.  Think  well  of  it.  There  is 
something  whispers  me,  it  would  be  prudent  to  listen 
to  his  offers  of  peace."  For  holding  this  language  he 
was  reproached  by  another  chief  with  cowardice,  which 
put  an  end  to  all  farther  discourse.  Nothing  wounds 
the  feelings  of  a  warrior  like  the  reproach  of  coward 
ice,  but  he  stifled  his  resentment,  did  his  duty  in  the 


*  Letter  from  fort  Hamilton,  dated  6  days  after  the  battle. 

\  Little-turtle  told  Mr.  Volney  circumstances,  which  gave 

him  that  opinion.   See  his  Travels  in  America,  ed.  Lond.  1804. 


158  LITTLE-TURTLE. 

battle,  and  its  issue  proved  him  a  truer  prophet  than  hirf 
accuser  believed.* 

Little-turtle  lived  some  years  after  the  war,  in  great 
esteem  among  many  men  of  high  standing.  He  was 
alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  great  wisdom, 
"And,"  says  my  author,  « there  has  been  few  individ 
uals  among  Aborigines  who  have  done  so  much  to 
abolish  the  rites  of  human  sacrifice.  The  grave 
of  this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  fort 
Wayne.  It  is  frequently  visited  by  the  Indians  in  that 
part  of  the  country,  by  whom  his  memory  is  cherished 
-  with  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration."* 

When  the  philosopher  and  famous  traveller  Volney, 
was  in  America,  in  the  winter  of  1797,  Little-turtle 
came  to  Philadelphia  where  he  then  was,  and  who 
sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  the  celebrated 
chief,  for  highly  valuable  purposes,  which  in  some 
measure  he  effected.  He  made  a  vocabulary  of  his 
language,  which  he  printed  in  the  appendix  to  his 
travels.  A  copy  in  manuscript,  more  extensive  than 
the  printed  one,  is  in  the  library  of  the  Philosophical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Having  become  convinced  that  all  resistance  to  the 
whites  was  vain,  he  brought  his  nation  to  consent  to1 
peace,  and  to  adopt  agricultural  pursuits.  And  it  was 
with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the  benevo 
lent  society  of  Friends  for  assistance  to  effect  this  lat 
ter  purpose,  that  he  now  visited  Philadelphia.  While 
here  he  was  inoculated  for  the  small  pox,  and  was 
also  afflicted  with  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Volnty's  interview  with  him  for 
information,  he  took  no  notice  of  the  conversation 
while  the  interpreter  was  communicating  with  Mr. 
Volney,  for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked 
about,  plucking  out  his  beard  and  eye  brows.  He 

*  Schoolcrafts  Travels. 


Was  dressed  now  in  English  clothes.  His  skin,  where 
not  exposed,  ?Mr.  Volney  says,  was  as  white  as  his  ^ 
and  on  speaking  upon  the  subject,  Little-turtle  said,  "  I 
have  seen  Spaniards  in  Louisiana,  and  found  no  differ 
ence  of  color  between  them  and  me.  And  why  should 
there  be  any  ?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is  the  work  of 
the  Father  of  colors,  the  Sun  that  burns  us.  You  white 
people  compare  the  color  of  your  face  with  that  of 
your  bodies."  Mr.  Volney  explained  to  him  the  no 
tion  of  many,  that  his  race  were  descended  from  the 
Tartars,  and  by  a  map  showed  him  the  supposed  com 
munication  between  Asia  and  America.  To  this,  Lit 
tle-turtle  replied :  "  Why  should  not  these  Tartars,  who 
resemble  us,  have  come  from  America  ?  Are  there  any 
reasons  to  the  contrary  ?  Or  why  should  we  not  both 
have  been  born  in  our  own  country  ? "  It  is  a  fact 
that  the  Indians  give  themselves  a  name  which  is 
equivalent  to  our  word  indigine,  that  is,  one  sprung, 
from  the  soil,  or  natural  to  it.* 

When  Mr.  Volney  asked  Little-turtle  what  prevented 
him  from  living  among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not 
more  comfortable  in  Philadelphia  than  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Wabash,  he  said,  "  Taking  all  things  together  you 
have  the  advantage  over  us ;  but  here  I  am  deaf  and 
dumb.  I  do  not  talk  your  language  ;  I  can  neither 
hear,  nor  make  myself  heard.  When  I  walk  through 
the  streets,  I  see  every  person  in  his  shop  employed 
about  something :  one  makes  shoes,  another  hats,  a 
third  sells  cloth,  and  every  one  lives  by  his  labor.  I 
say  to  myself,  which  of  all  these  things  can  you  do  ? 
Not  one.  I  can  make  a  bow  or  an  arrow,  catch  fish, 
kill  game,  and  go  to  war :  but  none  of  these  is  of 
any  use  here.  To  learn  what  is  done  here  would  re 
quire  a  long  time."  "  Old  age  comes  on."  «« I  should 

*  See  Volney 's  Travels,  ut  Supra. 


160 


LOGAff. 


be  a  piece  of  furniture  useless  to  my  nation,  useless  to 
the  whites,  and  useless  to  myself."  « I  must  return  to 
my  own  country." 

J&OgYflt,  a  Mingo*  chief,  son  of  Shikdlemus,  a 
celebrated  chief  of  the  Cayuga  nation.  For  Magna 
nimity  in  war,  and  greatness  of  soul  in  peace,  few,  if 
any,  in  any  nation,  ever  surpassed  him.  He  took  no  part 
in  the  French  wars  which  ended  in  1760,  except  that 
of  a  peace  maker;  was  always  acknowledged  the 
friend  of  the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when 
his  brother,  and  several  others  of  his  family  were 
murdered.  The  particulars  of  which  follow.  In 
the  spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  people 
upon  the  Ohio  river,  who  were  in  that  country  ex 
ploring  the  lands,  and  preparing  for  settlements.  These 
land  jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of 
the  Indians,  as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  thern- 
gelves  at  a  place  called  Wheeling  creek,  the  site  on 
which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and  learning  that  there 
were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  capt. 
Michael  Cresap,  belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  pro 
posed  to  fall  upon  and  kill  them.  His  advice,  although 
opposed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a  party  led  by  Cre 
sap  proceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same 
day,  it  being  reported  that  some  Indians  were  discov 
ered  below  Wheeling  upon  the  river,  Cresap  and  his 
party  immediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first 
appeared  to  show  themselves  friendly,  and  suffered  the 
Indians  to  pass  by  them  unmolested,  to  seat  themselves 
still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave  creek.  Cre 
sap  soon  followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them, 
having  one  of  his  own  men  wounded  by  the  fire  of  the 
Indians.  Here  some  of  the  family  of  Logan  were 
slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  affair  was  exceeding 

*  Mengwe,  Maquas,  Maqua,  or  Iroquos,  all  mean  the  same. 


LOGAN.  161 

aggravating,  inasmuch  as  the  -whites pretended  no  provo 
cation. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human 
shape,  at  whose  head  were  Daniel  Greathouse,  and  one 
Tomlinson,  committed  a  horrid  murder  upon  a  com 
pany  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling. 
Greathouse  resided  at  the  same  place,  but  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indian  encampment. 
A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for  this  ob 
ject,  who  secreted  themselves,  while  Greathouse,  under 
a  pretence  of  friendship,  crossed  the  river  and  visited 
them,  to  ascertain  their  strength ;  which,  on  counting 
them,  he  found  too  numerous  for  his  force  in  an 
open  attack.  These  Indians  having  heard  of  the 
late  murder  of  their  relations,  had  determined  to  be 
avenged  of  the  whites,  and  Greathouse,  did  not  know 
the  danger  he  was  in,  until  a  squaw  advised  him  of  it, 
in  a  friendly  caution,  "to  go  home."  The  sad  re- 
quittal  this  poor  woman  met  with  will  presently  ap 
pear.  This  abominable  fellow  invited  the  Indians  to 
come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him.  This 
being  a  part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they 
might  be  the  easier  destroyed.  The  opportunity  soon 
offered  ;  a  number  being  collected  at  a  tavern  in  the 
white  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were 
fallen  upon,  and  all  murdered  except  -  a  little  girl. 
Among  the  murdered  was  a  brother  of  Logan,  and  his 
sister,  whose  delicate  situation,  greatly  aggravated  the 
horrid  crime. 

The  remaining  Indians,  upon  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  on  hearing  the  firing,  set  off  two  canoes  with 
armed  warriors,  who  as  they  approached  the  shore, 
were  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  laid  concealed 
awaiting  their  approach.  Nothing  prevented  their 
taking  deadly  aim,  and  many  were  killed  and  wound- 


i 

162  LOGAN, 

ed,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This  affair 
took  place,  May  24th,  1774.*  These  were  the  events 
that  led  to  a  horrid  Indian  war,  in  which  many  inno 
cent  families  were  sacrificed  to  satisfy  the  vengeance 
of  an  incensed,  and  injured  people 

The  warriors  now  prepared  themselves  for  open 
conflict,  and  with  Logan  at  their  head,  were  deter 
mined  to  meet  the  Big-knives,  as  the  Virginians  were 
called,  from  their  long  swords,  in  their  own  way. 

The  Virginia  legislature  was  in  session  when  the 
news  of  Logan's  depredations  was  received  at  the 
seat  of  government.  Gov.  Dunmore  immediately  or 
dered  out  the  militia,  to  the  number  of  3000  men, 
half  of  whom,  under  col.  Jlndrew  Lewis,  were  ordered 
towards  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanhawa,  while  the 
governor  himself  with  the  other  half  marched  to  a 
point  on  the  Ohio,  to  fall  upon  the  Indian  towns  in 
the  absence  of  the  warriors,  drawn  off  by  the  approach 
of  the  arrny  under  col.  Lewis. 

The  Indians  met  the  division  under  Lewis  at  a 
place  called  Point  pleasant,  on  the  great  Kanhawa, 
where  a  very  bloody  battle  ensued.  A  detachment  of 
300  men  first  fell  in  with  them,  and  were  defeated, 
with  great  slaughter;  but  the  other  divisions  coming 
up,  the  fight  was  maintained  during  the  whole  day. 
Never  was  ground  maintained  with  more  obstinacy. 
Every  step  was  disputed,  until  the  darkness  of  the 
night  closed  the  scene.  The  Indians  slowly  retreated, 
and  while  the  Americans  were  preparing  to  pursue 
and  take  revenge  for  their  severe  loss,  an  express  ar 
rived  from  gov.  Dunmore,  that  he  had  concluded  a 
treaty  with  the  Indian  chiefs.  In  this  battle  above 
140  Americans  were  killed  and  wounded,  nearly  half 
of  which  were  of  the  former,  among  whom  was  col. 

*  From  facts  published  in  Jefferson's  notes. 


LOGAIT,  163 

Charles  Lewis,  brother  of  Andrew,  an d  col.  Field.  These 
officers  led  the  first  division.  Of  the  number  of  the 
Indians  destroyed,  we  are  ignorant ;  though  very  pro 
bably  they  were  many,  as  their  numbers  engaged 
were  said  to  have  been  about  1500.* 

It  was  at  the  treaty  held  by  gov.  Dunmore  before 
mentioned,  with  the  principal  men  of  the  Mingoes, 
Shawanese  and  Delawares,  that  the  far  famed  speech 
of  Logan  was  delivered.  Not  by  himself  in  person, 
for,  although  desiring  peace,  he  would  not  meet  the 
Americans  in  council,  but  remained  in  his  cabin  in 
sullen  silence,  until  a  messenger  was  sent  to  him,  to 
know  whether  he  would  accede  to  the  proposals.  On 
which  occasion,  Logan,  after  shedding  many  tears  for 
the  loss  of  his  friends,  said  to  the  messenger,  who  well 
understood  his  language,  in  substance  as  follows : 

« I  appeal  to  any  white  to  say,  if  ever  he  entered 
Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he  gave  him  not  meat :  if 
ever  he  came  cold  and  naked  and  he  clothed  him  not. 

"  During  the  course  of  the  last  long  bloody  war, 
Logan,  remained  idle  in  his  cabin,  an  advocate  for 
peace.  Such  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my 
countrymen  pointed  as  they  passed,  and  said,  '  Logan 
is  the  friend  of  white  men.' 

"  I  had  even  thought  to  have  lived  with  you,  but 
for  the  injuries  of  one  man.  Col.  Cresap,  the  last 
spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all 
the  relations  of  Logan ;  not  even  sparing  my  women 
and  children. 

"  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of 
any  living  creature.  This  called  on  me  for  revenge. 
I  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at 
the  beams  of  peace.  But  do  not  harbor  a  thought 

*  Campbell's  Virginia. 


164  MADOKAWANDO. 

that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear. 
He  will  not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is 
there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ? — Not  one  !" 

Thus  ended  those  times  of  calamity,  commonly  call 
ed  Cresap's  war.  Not  long  after  which,  Logan  was 
cruelly  murdered,  as  he  was  on  his  way  home  from 
Detroit.  For  a  time  previous  to  his  death,  he  gave 
himself  up  to  intoxication,  which  in  a  short  time  near 
ly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man ! 

rflllrtokaivando,  a  chief  of  the  Penobscot 
tribe,  of  whom  a  remnant  still  remain.  He  was  the 
adopted  son  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Assaminasqua* 
Some  mischief  had  been  done  by  the  Androscoggin  In 
dians  in  Philip's  war,  and  the  English,  following  the 
example  of  those  whom  they  so  much  reprobated,  re 
taliated  on  any  Indians  that  fell  into  their  way.  Mad- 
okawando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his 
people  had  committed  any  depredations,  until  after 
some  English  spoiled  his  corn,  and  otherwise  did  him 
damage. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1675  and  6,  this  Sa 
chem's  people  had  among  them  about  60  English  cap 
tives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the  English 
desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of 
his  chiefs,  to  Pascataqua,  to  receive  proposals ;  and 
that  he  might  meet  with  good  acceptance,  sent  along 
with  him  a  captive  to  his  home.  Gen.  Gendal,  of 
Massachusetts,  being  there,  forced  Mug  on  board 
his  vessel,  and  carried  him  to  Boston,  for  which 
treacherous  act,  an  excuse  was  pleaded,  that  he  was 
not  vested  with  sufficient  authority  to  treat  with  him. 
Madokawando's  embassador  being  now  in  the  power  of 
the  English,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  such  terms  as  the 

*  Sullivan's  Hist.  Maine,  copied,  I  suppose,  from  Hub- 
bard,  to  whom  he  gives  no  credit. 


MADOKAWANDO.  165- 

English  dictated.*  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  there 
fore,  if  the  great  chief  soon  appears  again  their  enemy. 
Still,  when  Mug  was  sent  home,  Madokawando  agreed 
to  the  treaty,  more  readily,  perhaps,  as  two  armed  ves 
sels  of  the  English  conveyed  him. 

A  son  of  rev.  Thomas  Cobbet  had  been'  taken,  and 
was  among  the  Indians  at  Mount  Desert.  It  so  hap 
pened  that  his  master  had  at  that  time  sent  him  down 
to  Casteeri's  trading  house,  to  buy  powder  for  him. 
Mug  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  told  him  he  had  been 
at  his  father's  house,  and  had  promised  to  send  him 
home.  Madokawando  demanded  a  ransom,  probably 
to  satisfy  the  owner  of  the  captive,  "  fearing  to  be 
killed  by  him,  if  he  yielded  him  up*without  he  were 
there  to  consent ;  for  he  was,  he  said,  a  desperate  man, 
if  crossed,  and  had  crambd\  two  or  three  in  that  way." 
Being  on  board  one  of  the  vessels,  and  treated  to 
some  liquor,  "  he  walked  awhile  to  and  again  on  the 
deck,  and  on  a  sudden  made  a  stand,  and  said  to  capt. 
Moore,  '  well  captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  this  man :  I 
freely  give  him  up  to  you,  carry  him  home  to  his 
friends.'  "J  A  red  coat  was  given  to  Madokawando, 
which  gave  him  great  satisfaction. 

The  historians  of  the  war,  have  all  observed  that 
the  prisoners  under  Madokawan  o  were  remarkably 
well  treated. 

In  February,  1677,  major  fFaldron,  and  capt.  Frost, 
with  a  body  of  men,  were  sent  into  the  eastern  coast 
to  observe  the  motions  of  the  Indians,  who  still  re 
mained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid  they  were  invited  on 
shore  to  hold  a  treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some 

*  A  treaty  was  signed  9th  of  Dec.  1676.  Manuscript  Nar. 
of  rev.  T.  Cobbet.  It  may  be  seen  in  Hubbard's  Narrative, 
4to  edition. 

t  The  Indian  word  for  killed.     Wood's  JV.  E.  Prospect. 

J  Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited. 
14 


166  MADOKAWANDO. 

weapons  concealed  among  them,  thought  it  a  sufficient 
umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemies,  and  a  considerable 
fight  ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were 
killed,  and  several  taken  prisoners ;  among  whom  was 
a  sister  of  Madokawando.  He  had  no  knowledge  of 
the  affair,  having  been  gone  for  several  months  at  a 
great  distance  into  the  country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Madokawando,  until  1691.  It 
has  been  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Egeremet,  that 
in  this  year,  a  treaty  was  made  with  him  and  other 
eastern  chiefs.  This  was  in  November  of  that  year, 
and  it  was  agreed  by  them,  that  on  the  first  of  May 
following,  they  would  deliver  all  the  captives  in  their 
possession  at  Weils.  "  But,"  says  Dr.  Mather,*  "  as  it 
was  not  upon  thejirm  land,  but  in  their  canoes  upon 
the  water,  that  they  signed  and  sealed  this  instrument ; 
so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it  will  prove  but  a 
fluctuating  and  unstable  sort  of  business  ;  and  that  the 
Indians  will  do  a  lie  as  they  used  to  do." 

The  time  for  the  delivery  of  the  captives  having  ar 
rived,  the  English  met  at  Wells  to  receive  them,  and  to 
renew  their  treaty.  They  took  care  to  be  provided 
with  an  armed  force,  and  to  have  the  place  of  meeting 
at  a  strong  place,  which  was  Storer's  garrison-house. 
But,  as  the  author  just  cited,  observes,  "The  Indians 
bejng  poor  musicians  for  keeping  of  time,  came  not  ac 
cording  to  their  articles."  The  reason  of  this  we 
cannot  explain,  unless  the  warlike  appearance  of  the 
English  deterred  them.  After  waiting  a  while,  capt. 
Converse  surprised  some  of  them,  and  brought  them  in 
by  force,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  pro 
voked  by  this  time,  immediately  added  35  men  to  their 
force.  These  "  were  not  come  half  an  hour  to  Sto- 
rtr*s  house,  on  the  9th  of  June,  1691,  nor  had  they 

*  Magnalia,  II,  529. 


MADOKAWANDO.  167 

got  their  Indian  weed  fairly  lighted,  into  their  mouths, 
before  fierce  Moxus,  with  200  Indians,  made  an  attack 
upon  the  garrison,"*  but  were  repulsed  and  soon  drew 
off.  Madokawando  was  not  here  in  person,  but  when 
he  knew  of  the  disaster  of  his  chief  captain,  he  said, 
"my  brother  Moxus  has  missed  it  now,  but  I  will  go 
myself  the  next  year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  out 
of  his  hole." 

The  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  ap 
peared  before  the  garrison  the  22d  of  June,  1692.  He 
was  joined  by  Burniff  and  Labrocre,  two  French  offi 
cers,  with  a  body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united 
strength  was  estimated  at  about  500  men.  They  were 
so  confident  of  success,  that  they  agreed  before  the 
attack,  how  the  prisoners  and  property  should  be  divi 
ded.  Converse  had  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there 
arrived  two  sloops  with  about  as  many  more,  and  sup 
plies,  the  day  before  the  battle. 

Madokawandtfs  men  had  unwisely  given  notice  of 
their  approach,  by  firing  upon  some  cattle  they  met  in 
the  woods,  which  running  in  wounded,  gave  the  in 
habitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  Madokawando 
was  not  only  seconded  by  the  two  French  officers  and 
a  company  of  their  men,  as  before  observed,  but  Mox 
us,  Egeremet  and  Woromho,  were  also  among  them. 

They  began  the  attack  before  day,  with  great  fierce 
ness,  but  after  continuing  it  for  some  time  without  suc 
cess,  they  fell  upon  the  vessels  in  the  river ;  and  here, 
although  the  river  was  not  above  twenty  or  thirty  feet 
broad,  yet  they  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the 
garrison.  They  tried  many  stratagems,  and  succeed 
ed  in  setting  fire  to  the  sloops  several  times,  by  means 
of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extinguished  without  great 
damage.  Tired  of  thus  exposing  themselves  and 

*  Magnalia,  II,  529. 


168  MADOKAWANDO. 

throwing  away  their  ammunition,  they  returned  again  to 
the  garrison,  resolving  to  practice  a  stratagem  upon 
that,  and  thus  ended  the  first  day  of  the  attack.  They 
at  first  tried  to  persuade  the  English  to  surrender,  but 
finding  they*could  not  prevail,  made  several  desperate 
charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Beginning  now  to 
grow  discouraged,  they  sent  a  flag  to  the  garrison  to 
effect  a  capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  a  man  of  great 
resolution,  replied,  "  that  he  wanted  nothing  but  men 
to  come  and  fight  him."  To  which  the  bearer  of  the 
flag  said,  "  being  you  are  so  stout,  why  dont  you  come 
and  fight  in  the  open  field  like  a  man,  and  not  fight  in 
a  garrison  like  a  squaw."  This  attempt  proving  inef 
fectual,  they  cast  out  many  threats,  one  of  which  was 
"  we  will  cut  you  as  small  as  tobacco,  before  to-mor 
row  morning."  The  captain  ordered  them  "  to  come 
on,  for  he  wanted  work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  general 
Labrocre  being  slain,  they  retired  in  the  night,  after  two 
days  siege,  leaving  several  of  their  deadj  among  whom 
was  the  general  just  named,  who  was  shot  through 
the  head.  They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John 
Diamond,  whom  they  tortured  in  a  most  barbarous 
manner.  About  the  time  of  their  retreating,  they  fired 
upon  the  sloops  and  killed  the  only  man,  lost  by  the 
vessels,  during  the  assault. 

During  the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other 
stratagems  they  prepared  a  breast  work  upon  wheels^ 
and  endeavored  to  bring  it  close  to  the  edge  of  the 
river,  which  was  within,  perhaps,  ten  feet  of  them. 
When  they  had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in 
the  ground,  and  a  French  soldier  endeavoring  to  lift 
it  out  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down;' a  second 
was  also  killed  on  the  same  attempt,  and  it  was  aban 
doned.  They  also  built  a  raft  in  the  creek  above  them 


MAGNUS.  169 

and  placed  on  it  an  immense  pile  of  combustibles,  and 
setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down  towards  them. 
But  when  within  a  few  rods  of  the  sloops,  the  wind 
drove  it  on  shore,  and  thus  they  were  delivered  from 
the  most  dangerous  artifice  of  the  whole.  For  it  was 
said,  that  had  it  come  down  against  them,  they  could 
not  have  saved  themselves  from  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

Madokawando  lived  several  years  after  this,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  died  about  1698. 

Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon 
the  singularity  of  the  name  of  this  chief,  to  that  of 
Madock  the  Welch  man,  that  the  eastern  Indians  are 
descended  from  a  Welch  colony,  who  in  1170,  left  that 
country,  and  were  never  heard  of  after.  The  story  of 
some  white  Indians  speaking  Welch,  far  up  the  Mis 
souri  river,  is  equal  to  this ! 

vffag'H'HS)  called  also  Quaiapen,  or  Squaw- 
sachem,  was  contemporary  with  Awashonks,  and  one 
«  of  the  six  present  [1675]  Sachems  of  the  whole 
Narraganset  country.  Canonicus,  Ninigret,  Mattatoag, 
Canonchet  and  Pumham,  were  the  others. 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English  army, 
to  cause  the  Narragansets  to  fight  for  them,  whom  they 
had  always  abused  and  treated  with  contempt,  since 
before  the  cutting  off  of  Miantunnomoh's  head,  march 
ed  into  their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  single 
Sachem  of  the  nation.  They  fell  in  with  a  few  of 
their  people  who  could  not  well  secrete  themselves, 
and  who  concluded  a  long  treaty  of  mere  verbosity, 
the  import  of  which  they  could  know  but  little,  and 
doubtless  cared  less ;  for  when  the  army  left  their 
country,  they  joined  again  in  the  war.  The  English 
caused  four  men  to  subscribe  to  their  articles  in  the 
name,  or  in  behalf  of  Quaiopen,  and  the  other  chiefs, 
and  took  four  others  as  hostages  for  their  due  fulfil- 


170  MAGNUS. 

ment.  Their  names  were  Wobequob,  Weowchim^  Pew* 
kes,  and  Wenew,  who  are  said  to  have  been,  "  near 
kinsmen  and  choice  friends"  to  the  Sachems. 

We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  next  year,  when 
herself  and  a  large  company  of  her  men  were  dis 
covered  by  major  Talcot,  on  the  2d  of  July,  in  Narra- 
ganset.  The  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a 
hill,  having  pitched  their  tents  in  a  valley  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  a  swamp,  as  was  usually  their  custom.  About 
300  of  the  English,  mounted  upon  fleet  horses,  divided 
into  two  squadrons  and  fell  upon  them  before  they 
were  aware  of  their  approach,  and  made  a  great 
slaughter.  The  Mohegans  and  Pequots,  came  upon 
them  in  the  center,  while  the  horsemen  beset  them  on 
each  side,  and  thus  prevented  many  from  escaping  into 
the  swamp.  When  all  were  killed  and  taken  within 
the  encampment,  capt.  Newbury,  who  commanded  the 
horsemen,  dismounted,  and  with  his  men  rushed  into 
the  swamp,  where,  without  resistance,  they  killed  an 
hundred,  and  made  many  prisoners.  In  all  they  killed 
and  took  171*  in  this  swamp  fight,  or  rather  massacre. 
Not  an  Englishman  was  hurt  in  the  affair,  and  but  one 
Mohegan  killed,  and  one  wounded,  which  we  can 
hardly  suppose  was  done  by  Magnus*  people,  as  they 
made  no  resistance,  but  rather  by  themselves,  in  their 
fury  mistaking  one  another.  Ninety  of  the  captives 
were  put  to  death  !  among  whom  was  Magnus,  f  Her 
husband  was  a  son  of  Canonicus,  whose  name  was 
Mriksah,  Mexham  or  Meihammoh.  He  died  some  time 
previous  to  1668.}  This  swamp  is  near  the  present 
town  of  Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island. 

*  Trumbull.     200  says  Gobbet's  Manuscript;  240  Hubbard, 

t  Hubbard.  Ind.  Wars,  i,  97-98.     I.   Mather's  Brief  Hist. 

39.  Trumbull's  Hist.  Connecticut,  I.  347. 

t  Manuscript  documents. 


MASSASOIT.  171 

,  (John,)  Sachem  of  a  tract  of  country 
in  Massachusetts,  a  part  of  which  he  sold  to  sundry 
inhabitants  of  Roxbury,  in  1686,  which  now  consti 
tutes  the  town  of  Hard  wick,  in  the  county  of  Worces 
ter.*  There  is  an  eminence  in  the  town  of  Needham, 
called  Magus  hill,  from  the  circumstance  of  its  having 
been  once  owned  by  this  chief.f  His  name  is  also  to 
the  deed  of  Marlborougb,  in  1684,  as  a  witness.  J  He 
was  christianized,  and  could  read  and  write.  In  Phi 
lip's  war  he  went  out  with  the  English,§  as  has  been 
mentioned  under  Kattenanit. 

•JflaSSMSOit )  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  re 
sided  at  a  place  called  Pokarioket,  by  the  Indians, 
which  is  now  included  in  the  town  of  Bristol,  Rhode 
Island.  He  was  a  chief  renowned  more  in  peace  than 
war,  and  was,  as  long  as  he  lived,  a  friend  to  the  En 
glish,  notwithstanding  they  committed  repeated  usur 
pations  upon  his  lands  and  liberties. 

His  name  has  been  written  with  great  variation,  as 
Woosamequin,  dlsuhmequin,  Oosamequen,  Osamekin,  Ow- 
samequin,  fyc.,  but  the  name  by  which  he  is  generally 
known  in  history,  is  that  with  which  we  commence 
the  article.*  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  annals,  says  of  that 
name,  "the  printed  accounts  generally  spell  him  Mas- 
sasoit ;  gov.  Bradford  writes  him  Massasoyt,  and  Mas- 
sasoyet ;  but  I  find  the  ancient  people  from  their  fath 
ers  in  Plimouth  colony,  pronounced  his  name  Ma-sas- 
so-it."  Still  we  find  no  inclination  to  change  a  letter 

*  Whitney's  Hist.  Worcester  county. 

»  t  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.         t  Worcester  Hist.  Journal.  • 
§    Gookin's  Manuscript  Hist.  Praying  Indians. , 

*  Some  have  derived  the  name  of  Massachusetts  from  this 
Chief,  but  that  conjecture  is  not  to  be  heeded.     If  any  man 
knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Roger  Williams 
did.     He   learned   from  the  Indians  themselves,  "that  the 
Massachusetts  were  called  so  from  the  Blue-hills" 


172  MAS3A90IT.  , 

in  the  name  of  an  old  friend,  which  has  been  so  long 
established,  for  if  a  writer  suffer  the  spirit  of  innova 
tion  in  himself,  he  knows  not  where  to  stop ,  and  we 
pronounce  him  no  antiquary* 

It  has  often  been  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a 
Sachem  as  Massasoit  should  have  possessed  so  great 
a  country,  which  has  been  increased  when  we  con 
sider,  that  Indian  possessions  are  generally  obtained 
by  prowess  and  great  personal  courage  on  the  part 
of  a  single  individual.  We  know  of  none  who  could 
boast  of  such  extensive  dominions,  where  all  were 
contented  to  consider  themselves  his  friends  and  chil 
dren  ;  Pontiac,  Little-turtle,  Tecumseh,  and  many  more 
that  we  could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but 
theirs  was  a  temporary  union,  in  an  emergency  of 
war.  That  Massasoit  should  be  able  to  hold  so  many 
tribes  together,  without  constant  war,  required  quali 
ties,  belonging  only  to  few.  That  he  was  riot  a  war 
rior  no  one  will  allow,  when  the  testimony  of  Anna- 
won  is  so  distinct.  For  that  great  chief  gave  capt. 
Church  "  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had 
had  formerly  in  the  wars  against  many  nations  of  In 
dians,  where  he  served  Asuhmequin,  Philip's  father." 

The  limits  of  his  country  towards  the  Nipmuks  or 
inland  Indians  is  rather  uncertain,  but  upon  the  east 
and  west  we  are  sure.  The  whole  of  Cape  Cod,  and 
all  that  part  bl  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  be 
tween  Narraganset  and  Massachusetts  bays;  extending 
inland  between  Pawtucket  and  Charles  rivers,  a  dis 
tance,  not  satisfactorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  before, 
together  with  all  the  contiguous  islands.  It  was  filletl 
with  many  tribes  or  nations,  and  all  looking  up  to  him, 
to  sanction  all  their  expeditions,  and  settle  all  their 
difficulties.  And  it  is  even  said  by  some  of  good  au 
thority,  that  the  Nipmuks  were  his  tributaries.  And 


MASSASOIT.  173 

this  seems  the  more  probable,  for  in  Philip's  war  there 
was  a  constant  intercourse  between  them,  and  when 
any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  di 
rectly  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  No  such  in 
tercourse  subsisted  between  the  Narragansets  and  either 
of  these.  But  on  the  contrary  when  a  messenger 
from  the  Narragansets  arrived  in  the  country  of  the 
Nipmuks  with  the  heads  of  some  of  the  English,  to 
show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  was  at  first 
fired  upon,  though  afterwards,  when  two  additional 
heads  were  brought  they  were  received. 

He  had  several  places  of  residence,  but  the  princi 
pal  was  Mount  Hope  or  Pokanoket,  the  former  name 
is  supposed  to  be  a  corruption  of  the  Indian  words 
Mon-taup.  There  was  a  place  in  Middleborough,  and 
another  in  Raynham  where  he  spent  some  part  of  par 
ticular  seasons,  perhaps  the  summer.  The  place  in 
Raynham  was  near  Fowling  pond. 

Whether  any  English  landed  upon  the  territories  of 
Massasoit  previous  to  capt.  Smith  in  1614,  we  are  unable 
to  say,  but  in  that  year  he  made  a  survey  of  the  coast 
of  what  is  now  New  England,  and  because  the  coun 
try  was  already  named  New  England,  or  which  is  the 
same,  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought 
it  most  proper  to  stamp  it  anew  upon  the  eastern. 
Therefore  capt.  Smith  neither  takes  to  himself  the 
honor  of  naming  New  England,  as  some  writers  of 
authority  assert,  nor  does  he  give  it  to  king  Charles, 
as  Dr.  Robertson  and  many  others,  copying  him,  have 
stated.* 

Smith  landed  in  many  places  upon  the  shores  of 
Massasoit,  one  ojf  which  places  he  named  Plimouth, 
which  happened  to  be  the  same  which  now  bears  that 
name. 

*  Look  at  Smith,  (Hist.  Virginia)  and  no  more  blunders 
need  be  made  on  this  head. 


174  MASSASOIT. 

We  can  know  nothing  of  the  early  times  of  Massa 
soit.  And  our  next  visitor  to  his  country  was  capt. 
Thomas  Dermer,  in  May,  1619.  He  sailed  for  Monhi- 
gon,  in  that  month  for  Virginia,  in  an  open  pinnace, 
consequently  was  obliged  to  keep  close  in  shore.  He 
found  places  which  had  been  inhabited,  but  at  that 
time  contained  none  ;  and  farther  onward  nearly  all 
were  dead,  of  a  great  sickness,  which  was  then  pre 
vailing,  but  nearly  abated.  When  he  came  to  Pli- 
mouth,  all  were  dead.  From  thence  he  travelled  a 
day's  journey  into  the  country  westward,  and  arrived 
at  Namasket,  now  Middleborough.  From  this  place 
he  sent  a  messenger  to  visit  Massasoit.  In  this  expe 
dition  he  redeemed  two  Frenchmen  from  Massasoit's 
people,  who  had  been-  cast  away  three  years  before 
upon  Cape  Cod. 

Dec.  11,  O.  S.  1620.  The  Pilgrims  arrived  at 
Pliinouth,  and  possessed  themselves  of  a  .portion  of 
his  country.  With  the  nature  of  their  proceedings  he 
was  at  first  unacquainted,  and  sent  occasionally  some  of 
his  men  to  observe  their  strange  motions.  Very  few 
of  these  however  were  seen  by  the  Pilgrims.  At 
length  he  sent  one  of  his  men  who  had  been  some 
time  with  the  English  fishing  vessels  about  the  coun 
try  of  the  Kennebeck,  and  had  learned  a  little  of  their 
language,  to  observe  more  strictly  what  was  progress 
ing  among  the  intruders  at  his  place  of  Patuxet,  which 
was  now  called  Plimouth.  This  was  in  March  1621. 
This  man  was  a  chief,  and  known  by  the  name  of 
Samoset.  He  welcomed  the  English  in  their  own  lan 
guage,  at  which  they  were  greatly  surprised.  They 
entertained  him  kindly,  and  then  he  returned  to  Mas 
sasoit,  with  a  promise  to  come  again  soon  with  oth 
ers,  which  he  did  five  days  after.  Massasoit  now 
came  in  person,  accompanied  with  sixty  men,  but  stop- 


MASSASOIT.  175 

ed  upon  a  hill  just  out  of  the  village,  and  could  not  be 
prevailed  upon  to  approach,  until  one  of  the  English 
went  to  them  with  presents.  The  English  man  then 
made  a  speech  to  him,  about  his  king's  love  and  good 
ness  to  him  and  his  people,  and  that  he  accepted  of 
him  as  his  friend  and  ally.  After  this  he  invited  Mas- 
sasoit  to  visit  the  English  governor  and  trade  with  him, 
which  he  consented  to,  by  having  Mr.  Winsloiv  left  in 
the  custody  of  his  brother,  as  a  hostage,  and  the  En 
glish  took  six  for  one. 

As  Massasoit  proceeded  to  meet  the  English,  they 
met  him  with  six  soldiers,  who  saluted  each  other. 
Several  of  his  men  were  with  him,  but  all  left  their 
bows  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conducted  to  a 
new  house  which  was  partly  finished,  and  spread  a 
green  rug  upon  the  floor,  and  several  cushions  for 
Massasoit  and  his  chiefs  to  sit  down  upon.  Then 
came  the  English  governor,  followed  by  a  drummer 
arid  trumpeter  and  a  few  soldiers,  and  after  kissing  one 
another,  all  sat  down.  Some  strong  water  being 
brought,  the  governor  drank  to  Massasoit^  who  in  his 
turn  "  drank  a  great  draught,  which  made  him  sweat 
all  the  time  after." 

They  now  proceeded  to  make  a  treaty,  which  stip 
ulated,  that  neither  Massasoit  nor  any  of  his  people 
should  do  hurt  to  the  English,  and  that  if  they  did 
they  should  be  given  up  to  be  punished  by  them ;  and 
that  if  the  English  did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his 
people,  they,  the  English,  would  do  the  like  to  them. 
That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  the  English 
were  to  aid  him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  hia 
turn,  and  by  so  doing  King  James  would  esteem  him 
his  friend  and  ally. 

At  this  time  he  is  described  as  "  a  very  lusty  man, 
in  his  best  years,  an  able  body,  grave  of  countenance, 


176  MASSASOIT. 

and  spare  of  speech  ;  in  his  attire  little  or  nothing  dif 
fering  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a  great 
chain  of  white  bone  beads  about  his  neck ;  and  at 
it,  behind  his  neck  hangs  a  little  bag  of  tobacco,  which 
he  drank  and  gave  us  to  drink.  His  face  was  painted 
with  a  sad  red  like  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and 
face,  that  he  looked  greasily.  All  his  followers  like 
wise  were  in  their  faces,  in  part  or  in  whole,  painted, 
some  black,  some  red,  some  yellow,  and  some  white  ; 
some  with  crosses  and  other  antic  works ;  some  had 
skins  on  them,  and  some  naked ;  all  strong,  tall  men 
in  appearance.  The  king  had  in  his  bosom,  hanging 
in  a  string,  a  great  long  knife."  He  retired  into  the 
woods  about  half  a  mile  from  the  English,  and  there 
encamped  at  night  with  his  men,  women  and  children. 
This  was  March  22d,  1621. 

During  his  first  visit  to  the  English,  he  expressed 
great  signs  of  fear,  and  during  the  treaty  could  not  re 
frain  from  trembling.  Thus  it  is  easy  to  see  how 
much  hand  he  had  in  making  it,  but  would  that  there 
had  never  been  worse  ones  made  since. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  people  should  come 
and  plant  near  by,  in  a  few  days,  and  live  there  all 
summer.  The  next  day,  after  an  exchange  of  civili 
ties,  Massasoit  returned  to  Pokanoket.  We  should 
here  note  that  he  ever  after  treated  the  English  with 
kindness,  and  the  peace  now  concluded  was  undis 
turbed  for  nearly  forty  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or 
articles  of  a  treaty,  of  which  he  never  had  any  ade-. 
quate  idea,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly  behaviour, 
but  it  was  the  natural  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  Pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  he  was  at  war 
with  the  Narragansets.  But  if  this  were  the  case  it 
could  have  been  nothing  more  than  some  small  skir 
mishing. 


MASSASOIT.  177 

The  next  summer,  in  June,  or  July,  Massasoit  was 
visited  by  several  of  the  English,  among  whom  was 
Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  Mr.  ZKephen  Hopkins,  and  Squan- 
to  as  their  interpreter.  Their  object  was  to  learn  his 
place  of  residence,  in  case  they  should  have  to  call 
upon  him  for  assistance ;  to  keep  good  the  friendly 
correspondence  commenced  at  Plimouth ;  and  especial 
ly  to  cause  him  to  prevent  his  men  from  hanging 
about  them,  and  living  upon  them,  which  was  then 
considered  very  burdensome,  as  they  had  begun  to 
grow  short  of  provisions.  That  their  visit  might  be 
acceptable,  they  took  along  for  a  present,  a  trooper's 
red  coat,  with  some  lace  upon  it,  and  a  copper  chain ; 
with  these  Massasoit  was  exceedingly  well  pleased. 
The  chain,  they  told  him,  he  must  send  as  a  signal, 
when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that 
they  might  not  be  imposed  upon  by  strangers. 

When  the  English  arrived  at  Pokanoket,  Massasoit 
was  absent,  but  was  immediately  sent  for.  Being  in 
formed  that  he  was  coming,  the  English  began  to  pre 
pare  to  shoot  off  their  guns ;  this  so  frightened  the 
women  and  children,  that  they  ran  away,  and  would 
not  return  until  the  interpreter  assured  them  that  they 
need  not  fear,  and  when  Massasoit  arrived  they  saluted 
him  by  a  discharge,  at  which  he  was  very  much  ela 
ted  ;  and  "  who,  after  their  manner,  says  one  of  the 
company,  kindly  welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his 
house,  and  set  us  down  by  him,  where,  having  deliv 
ered  our  message  and  presents,  and  having  put  the 
coat  on  his  back  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was 
not  a  little  proud  to  behold  himself,  and  his  men  also 
to  see  their*king  so  bravely  attired."*  A  new  treaty 
was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good  natu redly 
assented  to  all  that  was  desired.  He  then  made  a 

*  Mourt's  Relation. 
15 


178  MASSASOIT. 

speech  to  his  men,  many  of  them  being  assembled  to 
see  the  English,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  learn  its 
meaning,  acquainted  theiw  with  what  course  they 
might  pursue  in  regard  to  the  English.  Among  other 
things,  he  said,  "Ami  not  Mbssasoit,  commander  of 
the  country  about  us  ?  Is  not  such  and  such  places 
mine,  and  the  people  of  them?  They  shall  take  their  skins 
to  the  English"  This  his  people  applauded.  In  his 
speech  "  he  named  at  least  thirty  places,"  over  which 
he  had  control.  "This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco 
for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the 
king's  majesty,  marvelling  that  he  should  live  without 
a  wife."  He  seems  to  have  been  embittered  against 
the  French,  and  wished  "us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come 
to  Narraganset,  for  it  was  king  James's  country,  and  he 
was  king  James's  man."  He  had  no  victuals  at  this 
time  to  give  to  the  English,  and  night  coming  on  they 
retired.  He  had  but  one  bed,  if  so  it  might  be  called, 
"  being  only  planks  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a 
thin  mat  upon  them."  "He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with 
himself,  and  his  wife,  they  at  the  one  end,  and  we  at 
the  other.  Two  more  of  his  men,  for  want  of  room, 
pressed  by  and  upon  us  ;  so  that  we  were  worse  weary 
of  our  lodging  than  of  our  journey."  The  next  day, 
about  one  o'clock,  Massasoit  brought  two  large  fishes 
and  boiled  them  ;  but  the  Pilgrims  still  thought  their 
chance  for  refreshment  very  small,  as  "  there  were  at 
least  forty  looking  for  a  share  in  them,"  but  scanty  as 
it  was,  it  came  very  timely,  as  they  had  fasted  two 
nights  and  a  day.  The  English  now  left  him,  at  which 
he  was  very  sorrowful. 

In  1623,  Massasoit  sent  to  his  friends  in'  Plimouth 
to  inform  them  that  he  was  very  dangerously  sick. 
Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  possible,  the  governor 
dispatched  Mr.  Winslow  again,  with  some  medicines 


MASSASOIT.  179 

and  cordials,  and  Hobbomok  as  interpreter;  "having 
one  Master  John  Hamden,  a  gentleman  of  London, 
who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  to  see 
the  country,  for  my  consort."*  In  their  way  they 
found  many  of  his  subjects  were  gone  to  Pokanoket, 
it  being  their  custom  for  all  friends  to  attend  on  such 
occasions.  "When  we  came  thither,  says  Mr.  Wins- 
low,  we  found  the  house  so  full  of  men,  as  we  could 
scarce  get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence  to 
make  way  for  us.  There  were  they  in  the  midst  of 
their  charms  for  him,  making  such  a  hellish  noise,  as 
it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and  therefore  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  About  him 'were  six  or 
eight  women,  who  chafed  his  arms,  legs,  and  thighs, 
to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  made  an  end 
of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends,  the 
English  were  come  to  see  him.  Having  understand 
ing  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he  asked,  Who 
was  come  ?  They  told  him  Winsnow,  (for  they  cannot 
pronounce  the  letter  /,  but  ordinarily  n  in  the  place 
thereof.)  He  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When  I 
came  to  him ,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put  forth  his 
hand  to  me,  which  I  took.  Then  he  said  twice, 
though  very  inwardly,  Keen  Winsnow^  which  is  to 
say,  Art  ihou  Winsnow  ?  I  answered,  Ahhe,  that  is, 
Yes.  Then  he  doubled  these  words :  Malta  neen 
wonckanet  namen,  Winsnow !  That  is  to  say,  O  Wins- 
low,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again."  But  contrary  to  his 
own  expectations  as  well  as  all  his  friends,  by  the  kind 

*  Winslow's  Relation.  The  Mr.  Hamden  mentioned,  is 
supposed  by  some  to  be  the  celebrated  John  Hamden,  famous 
in  the  time  of  Charles  I,  and  who  died  of  a  wound  received 
in  an  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  Rupert  near  Oxford,  while 
supporting  the  cause  of  the  Parliament.  See  Rapin's  Eng 
land,  II,  477,  and  Kennet,  III,  137. 


180  MASSASOIT. 

exertions  of  Mr.  Winslow,  he  in  a  short  time  entirely 
recovered.  For  this  attention  of  the  English  he  was 
very  grateful,  and  always  believed  that  his  preserva 
tion  at  this  time  was  from  the  benefit  received  from 
Mr.  Winslow.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit, 
he  broke  a  bottle  containing  some  preparation,  and 
deeming  it  necessary  to  the  Sachem's  recovery,  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimomh  for  another,  and 
and  some  chickens,  and  giving  him  an  account  of  his 
success  thus  far.  The  intention  was  no  sooner  made 
known  to  Massasoit,  than  one  of  his  men  was  set  off 
at  two  o'clock  at  night  for  Plimouth,  who  returned 
again  with  astonishing  quickness.  The  chickens  be 
ing  alive,  Massasoit  was  so  pleased  with  them,  and 
being  better,  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed,  and 
kept  them,  with  the  idea  of  raising  more.  While  "at 
Massasoifs  residence,  and  just  as  they  were  about  to 
depart,  the  Sachem  told  Squanto  of  a  plot  laid  by  some 
of  his  subordinate  chiefs  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off 
the  two  English  plantations,  which  he  charged  him 
to  acquaint  the  English  with,  which  he  did.  Massa 
soit  stated  that  he  had  been  urged  to  join  in  it,  or  give 
his  consent  thereunto,  but  had  always  refused  and 
used  his  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of 
the  evils  which  that  plot  brought  upon  its  authors  will 
be  found  under  the  head  Wittuwamtt. 

In  1632,  a  short  war  was  carried  on  between  Massa 
soit  and  Canonicus,  tffe  Sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  but 
the  English  interfering  with  a  force  under  the  spirit 
ed  capt.  Standish,  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodshed. 
Massasoit  expected  a  serious  contest  j  and  as  usual 
on  such  occasions,  changed'  his  name,  and  was  ever  af 
ter  known  by  the  name  of  Owsamequin  or  Ousamequin. 
Our  historical  records  furnish  no  particulars  of  his  war 
with  the  Narragansets,  further  than  we  have  stated. 


MASSASOIT.  181 

We  may  infer  from  a  letter  written  by  Roger  Wil 
liams,  that  some  of  Pli mouth,  instigated  Massasoit  or 
Ousamequin,  as  we  should  now  call  him,  to  lay  claim 
to  Providence,  which  gave  that  good  man  some  trouble, 
because,  in  that  case  his  lands  were  considered  as  be 
longing  to  Plimouth,  in  whose  jurisdiction  he  was  not 
suffered  to  reside ;  and  moreover  he  had  bought  and 
paid  for 'all  he  possessed,  of  the  Narraganset  Sa 
chems'.  It  was  in  1635  that  Mr.  Williams  fled  to  that 
country,  to  avoid  being  seized  and  sent  to  England. 
He  found  that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  were  at 
bitter  enmity  with  Ousamequin,  but  by  his  great  exer 
tions  he  restored  peace,  without  which  he  could  not 
have  been  secure,  in  a  border  of  the  dominion  of 
either. «  Ousamequin  was  well  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Williams,  whom  he  had  often  seen  during  his  two  years 
residence  at  Plimouth,  and  was  a  great  friend  to  him, 
and  therefore  he  listened  readily  to  his  benevolent  in 
structions  ;  giving  up  the  land  in  dispute  between  him 
self  and  the  Narraganset  Sachems,  which  was  the  isl 
and  now  called  Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and 
perhaps  some  others,  together  with  Providence.  "  And, 
says  Mr.  Williams,  I  never  denied  him,  nor  Meantino- 
my  whatever  they  desired  of  me."  Hence  their  love 
and  attachment  for  him,  for  this  is  their  own  mode  of 
living. 

In  1649,  Ousamequin  sold  to  Miles  Standish,  and  the 
other  inhabitants  of  Duxbury  "  a  tract  of  land  usually 
called  Saughtucket,"  seven  miles  square.  This  was 
Duxbury.  It  had  been  before  granted  to  them,  only 
however,  in  preemption.  They  agreed  to  pay  Ou 
samequin  seven  coats,  of  a  yard  and  a  half  each,  nine 
hatchets,  eight  hoes,  twenty  knives,  four  MOOSK skins, 
and  ten  and  a  half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

In  1656,  the  same  writer  says  that  Ousamequin  by 


182  MASSASOIT. 

one  of  his  Sachems  "  was  at  daily  feud  with  Pumham 
about  the  title  and  lordship  of  Warwick."  And  that 
hostility  was  daily  expected.  But  we  are  not  inform 
ed  that  any  thing  serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  year  in  which  it  has  been  generally  sup 
posed  that  Ousamequin  died,  but  it  is  an  error  of 
Hutchinson's  transplanting  from  Mr.  Hubbard^s  work 
into  his  own.  That  an  error  should  flourish  in  so  good 
a  soil  as  that  of  the  "  History  of  the  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,"  it  is  no  wonder,  but  it  is  a  wonder  that 
the  "accurate  Hutchinson"  should  set  down  that  date, 
from  that  passage  of  the  Indian  wars,  which  was  evi 
dently  made  without  reflection.  It  being  at  that 
time  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  consequence.  That 
the  Sachem  of  Pokanoket  should  be  unknown  "to  our 
records  between  1656fand  1661,  a  space  of  only  five 
years,  is  not  very  surprising,  when  we  reflect  that  he 
was  entirely  subservient  to  the  English,  and  nearly  or 
quite  all  of  his  lands  being  before  disposed  of,  or  given 
up  to  them,  is  a  plain  reason  that  we  do  not  meet  with 
his  name  to  deeds  and  other  instruments.  And  be 
sides  this  consideration,  another  Sachem  was  known 
to  be  associated  with  him  at  the  former  period,  who, 
seems  to  have  acted  for  the  whole,  or  as  Ousamequin's 
representation. 

He  was  alive  in  1661,  and  as  late  in  that  year  as 
the  21st  of  May.  Little  more  than  a  month  previous 
to  this  date,  Oneko,  with  about  seventy  men  fell  upon 
a  defenceless  towp  within  the  dominions  of  Ousame 
quin,  killing  three  and  carrying  away  six  captives. 
He  complained  to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts, 
whick  interfered  in  his  behalf,  and  the  matter  was 
soon  Uttled.* 

*  Original  manuscript  documents. 


MASSASOIT.  183 

From  the  "  Relation "  of  Dr.  /.  Mather,  it  is  clear 
that  he  lived  until  1662.  His  words  are,  "Alexander 
being  dead  [having  died  in  1662]  his  brother  Philip, 
of  late  cursed  memory,  rose  up  in  his  stead,  and  he 
was  no  sooner  styled  Sachem,  but  immediately  in  the 
year  1 662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloody 
treachery  against  the  English."*  See  head,  Alexander. 

Whether  he  had  more  than  two  sons  is  not  certain, 
although  it  is  confidently  believed  that  he  had.  "  A 
letter  from  Boston  to  London,  dated  Nov.  10th,  1675, 
says  that  a  brother  of  Philip's,  a  privy  counsellor  and 
chief  captain,  who  had  been  educated  at  Harvard  col 
lege  "  was  killed  in  the  Swamp  fight  at  Pocasset.f  «*It 
is  probable  that  his  family  was  large.  A  company  of 
soldiers 'from  Bridgewater,  in  a  skirmish  with  Philip 
took  his  sister,  and 'killed  a  brother  of  Ousamequin, 
whose  name  was  Unkompoen, }  or  Jlkkompoin.  §  That 
he  had  another  brother  called  Quadequina,  has  been 
mentioned. 

Although  this  article  be  beyond  the  due  proportion 
for  this  work,  yet  we  cannot  close  it  without  giving 
the  following  anecdote  of  Ousamequin.  As  Mr.  Ed" 
ward  Winslow  was  returning  from  a  trading  voyage 
southward,  having  left  his  vessel,  travelled  home  by 
land,  and  in  the  way  stopped  with  his  old  friend  Mas- 
sasoit,  who  agreed  to  acompany  him  the  rest  of  the 
way.  In  the  mean  time  Ousamequin  sent  one  of  his 
men  forward  to  Plimouth,  to  surprise  the  people  with 
the  .news  of  Mr.  Winsloufs  death.  By  his  manner  of 
relating  it,  and  the  particular  circumstances  attending, 
no  one  doubted  of  its  truth,  and  every  one  was  grieved 
and  mourned  exceedingly  at  their  great  loss.  But 

*  Relation,  72.  t  Hutchinson,  I,  291, 1st  edit 

*  I.  Mather.  44.         §  Church,  38,  edit.  4to, 


184 


presently  they  were  as  much  surprised  at  seeing  him 
coming  in  company  with  Ousamequin.  When  it  was 
known  among  the  people  that  the  Sachem  had  sent 
this  news  to  them,  they  demanded  why  he  should  thus 
deceive  them.  He  replied  that  it  was  to  make  him 
the  more  welcome  when  he  did  return,  and  that  this 
was  a  custom  of  his  people. 

"  Once  Pawkanawkut's  warriors  stood, 
Thick  as  the  columns  of  the  wood  ; 
On  shores  and  isles,  unconquered  men 
Called  Massasoit  father,  then."  Yamoyden. 

•JftatOOHMS,  a  Nipmuk  chief,  who  joined  with 
alUiis  force  in  Philip's  war  against  the  whites.  A  son  of 
his  was  said  to  have  murdered  an  Englishman  in  1671, 
when  "travelling  along  the  road,"  which  Mr.  JJubbard 
says  was  "  out  of  mere  malice  and  spite,"  because  he 
was  "  vexed  in  his  mind  that  the  design  against  the 
English,  intended  to  begin  in  that  year,  did  not  take 
place."  This  son  of  Matoonas  was  hanged,  and  after 
wards  beheaded,  and  his  head  set  upon  a  pole,  where 
it  was  to  be  seen  about  six  years  after.  The  name  of 
the  murdered  Englishman  was  Zachary  Smith,  a  young 
nian,  who,  as  he  was  passing  through  Dedham,  in  the 
month  of  April,  put  up  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Caleb 
Church.  About  half  an  hour  after  he  was  gone,  the 
next  morning  three  Indians  passed  the  same  way  ;  who, 
as  they  passed  by  Church's  house,  behaved  in  a  very  in 
solent  manner.  They  had  been  employed  as  laborers 
in  Dorchester,  and  said  they  belonged  to  Philip;  they 
left  their  masters  under  a  suspicious  pretence.  The 
body  of  the  murdered  man  was  soon  after  found  near  the 
Saw  mill  in  Dedham,  and  these  Indians  were  appre 
hended,  and  one  put  to  death  as  is  stated  above.* 

*  Manuscript  Documents,  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  State  of  Massachusetts. 


MATTAHANDO,  185 


Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  father,  "  an  old  ma 
licious  villain,"  bore  "  an  old  grudge  against  them,"  on 
the  account  of  the  execution  of  his  son.  And  the  first 
mischief  that  was  done  in  Massachusetts  colony  was 
charged  to  him;  which  was  the  killing  of  four  or  five 
persons  at  Mendon,  a  town  upon  Pawtucket  river, 
which  says  /.  Mather  "  had  we  amended  our  ways  as 
we  should  have  done,  this  misery  would  have  been 
prevented."* 

When  Matoonas  was  brought  before,  the  council  of 
Massachusetts,  as  has  been  related  under  head  Saga 
more  John,  "  confessed  that  he  had  rightly  deserved 
death,  and  could  expect  no  other."  "  He  had  often 
seemed  to  favor  the  praying  Indians,  and  the  Christian 
religion,  but  like.  Simon  Magus,  by  his  after  practice, 
discovered  quickly  that  he  had  no  part  nor  portion  in 
that  matter."  f 

•yf/ltttthftHfl-O)  an  eastern  chief  who  came  to 
Pemmaquid  with  others  to  make  a  treaty  with  the 
English  in  1677,  and  was  killed  in  the  attack  which  the 
English  made  upon  them.  The  English  were  there 
in  their  vessels,  with  maj.  Waldron  on  behalf  of  the 
government.  Previous  to  going  on  shore,  it  was  con 
certed  that  if  any  thing  like  hostility  should  be  observed 
among  the  Indians,  the  soldiers  were  to  follow  immedi 
ately  upon  a  given  signal,  Waldron  and  his  suite  had 
not  been  long  ashore  when  the  signal  was  given,  and  all 
rushing  on  shore  fell  upon  the  Indians,  killing  seven, 
among  whom  was  Mattahando,  and  taking  several 
prisoners.  Mr.  Hubbard^.  mentions  an  old  powow 
among  those  killed,  "to"  whom,"  he  says  "the  devil 
had  revealed,  as  sometimes  he  did  to  Saul,  that  on  the 
same  day  he  should  be  with  him :'  Fqr  he  had  a  little 


*  Brief  Hist.  5.  t  Hubbard,  JOL 

t  Indian  Wars,  P.  II.  p.  70. 


186  MASCONOMO. 

before  told  the  Indians,  that  within  two  days,  the  En 
glish  would  come  to  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  the 
very  same  time  verified  upon  himself."  It  was  not  the 
fashion  in  those  days  for  authors  to  cite  their  authori 
ties,  but  if  it  had  been  we  should  call  loud  for  them 
in  this  case.  Surely  the  historian  of  Hankamagus 
might  say  that  the  devil  was  truer  to  this  powow  than 
he  was  afterwards  to  maj.  Waldron,  for  he  would  not 
have  it  that  the  Indians  were  coming  to  kill  him  at 
all. 

*JffflSCOnomOi  Sachem  of  Agawam,  since  call 
ed  Cape  Ann.  When  the  fleet  which  brought  over 
the  colony  that  settled  Boston,  in  1630,  anchored  near 
there,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and  spent-some 
time  on  board  one  of  the  ships.*  W.e  hear  no  more 
of  him  until  1643,  when,  at  a  court  held  in  Boston, 
"  Cutshamekin  and  Squaw-sachem,  Masconomo;  Nasha- 
cowdm  and  Wassamagin,  two  sachems  near  the  great 
hill  to  the  west,  called  Wachusett,  came  into  the  court, 
and  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor, 
desired  to  be  received  under  our  protection  f  and 
government,  upon  the  same  terms  that  Pumham  and 
Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to  understand 
the  articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God, 
and  they  freely  assenting  to  all,  J  they  were  solemnly 
received,  and  then  presented  the  court  with  twenty-six 
fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them 
a  coat  of  two  yards  of  cloth,  and  their  dinner ;  and  to 
them  and  their  men  every  one  of  them  a  cup  of  sac 

*  Hist.  N.  England. 

t  They  desired  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks, 
who  were  always  a  terror  to  them. 

t  The  articles  which  they  subscribed,  will  be  seen  at  large 
when  the  Manuscript  Hist,  of  the  Praying  Indians,  by  Daniel 
Gookin  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  precisely  as 
rendered  by  Winthrop. 


MEMECHO.  187 


at  their  departure,  so  they  took  leave  and  went  away 
very  joyful."*  Tradition  says  that  Agawam,  in  Ips 
wich,  was  his  place  of  residence,  and  that  his  bones 
were  early  found  there.  That  his  squaw  for  some 
time  survived  him,  and  had  a  piece  of  land  that  she 
could  not  dispose  of,  or  that  none  were  allowed  to 
purchase/)- 

•IfiCgUnnnway^  an  eastern  Sachem.  The 
visit  of  maj.  Waldron  to  the  eastern  coast  at  the  close 
of  Philip's  war,  has  been  related  under  Madokawando. 
How  much  of  treachery  was  manifested  by  the  Indiana 
at  that  time,  which  terminated  in  the  massacre  of 
many  of  them,  we  cannot  take  upon  us  to  declare,  yet 
this  we  cannot  but  bear  in  mind,  that  we  have  only 
the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy,  and 
not  that  of  those  on  whom  it  fell. 

Capt.  Charles  Frost,  of  Oyster  river,  since  Durham, 
was  with  Waldron  upon  that  expedition,  and  next  to 
him  a  principal  actor  in  it.  And  like  him  was  killed 
by  the  Indians  afterwards.  Mr.  Hubbard  gives  this 
account  of  his  taking  this  chief.  "  Capt.  Frost  seized 
an  Indian  called  Megunneway,  a  notorious  rogue,  that 
had  been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June,  at  the 
Falls,  and  saw  that  brave  and  resolute  capt.  Turner, 
when  he  was  slain  about  Green  river ;  and  helped  to 
kill  Thomas  Bracket  at  Casco,  August  last,  [3676.] 
And  with  the  help  of  lieut.  Nutter,  according  to  the 
major's  order,  carried  him  aboard"  their  vessel.  We 
are  not  told  what  became  of  him,  but  no  one  will  be 
at  a  loss  to  decide. 

•IffemechO)  (George)  one  of  the  three  Christian 
Indians  who  were  appointed  to  attend  capts.  Hutchin- 
eon  and  Wheeler  in  their  attempt  to  treat  with  the  Nip- 

*  Winthrop's,  Journal. 

t  MS.  Hist,  of  Newbury,  by  J.  Coffin. 


188  MESANDOWIT. 

muk  Indians,  July,  1675.  He  was  taken  by  the  enemy, 
but  afterward  returned,  and  gave  some  important  in 
formation  about  the  enemy,  which,  or  a  part  of  it  may 
be  seen  in  Hutchinson's  history  of  Massachusetts. 

Had  it  not  been  for  those  three  Indians,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  the  whole  party  would  have  been  cut  off; 
for  none  of  the  English  knew  any  other  way  than  that 
by  which  they  came,  for  their  retreat.-*  But  these  two 
faithful  guides,  by  an  unfrequented  path,  led  them 
back  to  Brookfield  ;  the  one  by  which  they  went  being 
ambushed  at  every  strong  place. 

It  was  so  unpopular  at  this  time  to  lisp  a  word  in 
favor  of  an  Indian,  that  capt.  Wheeler  gave  no  credit 
in  his  narrative  of  this  affair,  to  these  instruments  of 
his  and  Brookfield's  safety;  yet  he  gave  them  a  writing 
acknowledging  it,  which  follows:  "  These  are  to  cer 
tify  that  Joseph,  and  Sampson,  Indians,  that  were  o.ur 
guides  in  the  Nipmuk  country,  behaved  themselves 
courageously  and  faithfully,  and  conducted  our  dis 
tressed  company  in  the  best  way  from  the  swamp 
where  we  were  wounded,  and  divers  slain,  unto  the 
town  of  Brookfield  ;  and  all  the  time  of  our  being  with 
them  in  the  inn,  at  Brookfield  when  the  enemy  attack 
ed  us ,  those  two  Indians  behaved  themselves  as  hon 
est  and  stout  men.  Witness  my  hand,  the  20th  of 
August,  1675.  Thomas  Wheeler." 

"  This  cirtificate  those  Indians  had,  and  I  saw  it, 
and  took  a  copy  of  it,  and  spoke  with  capt.  Wheeler 
before  his  death,  and  he  owned  it."* 

The  end  of  these  two  valuable  friends  of  the  En 
glish,  it  is  melancholy  to  record,  but  it  has  been  already 
done  under  the  head  Sampson. 

•IflesandOWit)  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  who 
destroyed  Dover,  in  J  689.  See  Hankamagus. 

*  Gookin's  Manuscript  History  of  the  Praying  Indians. 


METEA.  1 89 

)  a  Potto wattomie  chief,  whose  residence 
Is  upon  the  Wabash,  or  was,  in  1821.  It  has  been 
mentioned  under  Keewaygooshkum,  that  commissioners 
sent  by  the  United  States  met  several  tribes  of  Indians 
at  Chicago,  and  treated  with  them  for  a  tract  of  coun 
try.  Metea  was  present,  and  the  most  prominent  ora 
tor  upon  the  occasion.  After  gov.  Cass,  had  informed 
the  Indians  what  was  the  object  of  his  mission,  Metea 
made  the  following  speech  : 

"  My  Father, — We  have  listened  to  what  you  have 
said.  We  shall  now  retire  to  our  camps  and  consult 
upon  it.  You  will  hear  nothing  more  from  us  at  pre 
sent.  [This  is  a  uniform  custom  of  all  the  Indians. 
When  the  council  was  again  convened,  Metea  contin 
ued,]  *We  meet  you  here  to  day,  because  we  had 
promised  it,  to  tell  you  our  rninds,  and  what  we  have 
agreed  upon  among  ourselves.  You  will  listen  to  us 
with  a  good  mind,  and  believe  what  we  say.  You 
know  that  we  first  came  to  this  country,  a  long  time 
ago,  and  when  we  sat  ourselves  down  upon  it,  we  met 
with  a  great  many  hardships  and  difficulties.  Our 
country  was  then  very  large,  but  it  has  dwindled 
away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  purchase  that! 
This  has  caused  us  to  reflect  much  upon  what  you 
have  told  us ;  and  we  have,  therefore,  brought  all  the 
chiefs  and  warriors,  and  the  young  men,  and  women 
and  children  of  our  tribe,  that  one  part  may  not  do 
what  the  others  object  to,  and  that  all  may  be  witness 
of  what  is  going  forward.  You  know  your  children. 
Since  you  first  came  among  them,  they  have  listened  to 
your  words,  with  an  attentive  ear,  and  have  always 
hearkened  to  your  counsels.  Whenever  you  have  had 
a  proposal  to  make  to  us,  whenever  you  have  had  a 

*  The  repetition   of  "  My  Father,"  at    the   beginning  of 
every  sentence,  we  omit. 

16 


190  METEA 

favor  to  ask  of  us,  we  have  always  lent  a  favorable  ear, 
and  our  invariable  answer  has  been, « yes.'  This  you 
know !  A  'long  time  has  passed  since  we  first  came 
upon  our  lands,  and  our  old  people  have  all  sunk  into 
their  graves.  They  had  sense.  We  are  all  young  and 
foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  thing  that  they 
would  not  approve,  were  they  living.  We  are  fearful 
we  shall  offend  their  spirits,  if  we  sell  our  lands ;  and 
we  are  fearful  we  shall  offend  you,  if  we  do  not  sell 
them.  This  has  caused  us  great  perplexity  of  thought 
because  we  have  counselled  among  ourselves,  and  do 
not  know  how  we  can  part  with  the  land.  Our  coun 
try  was  given  to  us  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  gave  it  to 
us  to  hunt  upon,  to  make  our  cornfields  upon,  to  live 
upon,  and  to  make  down  our  beds  upon  when  we  die. 
And  he  would  never  forgive  us,  should  we  bargain  it 
away.  When  you  first  spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  St. 
Mary's,  we  said  we  had  a  little,  and  agreed  to  sell  you 
'a  piece  of  it;  but  we  told  you  we  could  spare  no 
more.  Now  you  ask  us  again.  You  are  never  satis 
fied  !  We  have  sold  you  a  great  tract  of  land,  al 
ready  ;  but  it  is  not  enough !  We  sold  it  to  you  for 
the  benefit  of  your  children,  to  farm  and  to  live  upon. 
We  have  now  but  little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  for 
ourselves.  We  know  not  how  long  we  may  live,  and 
we  wish  to  have  some  lands  for  our  children  to  hunt 
upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  our  hunting 
grounds.  Your  children  are  driving  us  before  them. 
We  are  growing  uneasy.  What  lands  you  have, 
you  may  retain  forever ;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more.  You 
think,  perhaps,  that  I  speak  in  passion  ;  but  my  heart 
is  good  towards  you.  I  speak  like  one  of  your  own 
children.  .1  am  an  Indian,  a  red-skin,  and  live  by 
hunting  and  fishing,  but  nay  country  is  already  too 
small ;  and  I  do  not  know  how  to  bring  up  my  chil- 


METEA.  191 

dren,  if  I  give  it  all  away.  We  sold  you  a  fine  tract 
of  land  at  St.  Mary's.  We  said  to  you  then  it  was 
enough  to  satisfy  your  children,  and  the  last  we  should 
sell:  and  we  thought  it  would  be  the  last  you  would 
ask  for.  We  have  now  told  you  what*  we  had  to  say. 
It  is  what  was  determined  on,  in  a  council  among  our 
selves  ;  and  what  I  have  spoken,  is  the  voice  of  my 
nation.  On  this  account,  all  our  people  have  come 
here  to  listen  to  me ;  hut  do  not  think  we  have  a  bad 
opinion  of  you.  Where  should  we  get  a  bad  opinion 
of  you  ?  We  speak  to  you  with  a  good  heart,  and  the 
feelings  of  a  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with  this 
piece  of  land — the  country  we  live  in.  Shall  we  give 
it  pup  ?  Take  notice,  it  is  a  small  piece  of  land,  and  if 
we  give  it  away,  what  will  become  of  us  ?  The  Great 
Spirit,  who  has  provided  it  for  our  use,  allows  us  to 
keep  it,  to  bring  up  our  young  men  and  support  our 
families.  We  should  incur  his  anger,  if  we  bartered 
it  away.  If  we  had  more  land,  you  should  get  more, 
but  our  land  has  been  wasting  away  ever  since  the 
white  people  became  our  neighbors,  and  we  have  now 
hardly  enough  left  to  cover  the  bones  of  our  tribe. 
You  are  in  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is 
due  to  us  in  money,  we  wish,  and  will  receive  at  this 
place  ;  and  we  want  nothing  more.  We  all  shake 
hands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our'  women, 
and  children.  Take  pity  on  us  and  on  our  wo^ds." 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  by  Me- 
tea  in  this  speech,  against  selling  land,  yet  his  name  is 
to  the  treaty  of  sale.  And  in  another  speech  of  about 
equal  length,  delivered  shortly  after,  upon  the  same 
subject,  the  same  determination  is  manifest  throughout. 

At  this  time  he  appeared  to  be  about  forty  years  of 
age,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified  appearance.  He  is 
allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief  of  his  nation. 


192      ,  MIANTUPfNOMOH. 

In  the  last  Var,  he  fought  against  the  Americans,  an«f 
in  the  attack  on  fort  Wayne,  was  severely  wounded; 
on  which  account  he  draws  a  pension  from  the  British 


uncle  of  Canonicus,  and 
brother,  or  brother-in-law  to  Ninigret,^  and  brother  of 
Otash.§  In  1632  he  came  with  his  wife  to  Boston, 
being  at  this  time  known  by  the  name  of  Mecumeh 
where  they  stayed  two  nights.  He  went  to  church 
with  the  English,  and  in  the  mean  time  some  of  his 
men,  twelve  of  whom  were  with  him,  broke  into  a 
house  and  committed  a  theft.  On  complaint  being 
made  to  the  governor,  "  he  told  the  Sachem  of  it,  and 
with  some  difficulty  caused  him  to  make  one  of  his 
sannaps  ||  to  beat  them."  They  were  immediately  sent 
out  of  town,  but  Miantunnomoh,  and  the  others  he  took 
to  his  house  "and  made  much  of  them."  IT 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  been  more  favor 
ably  inclined  toward  the  other  tribes  than  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  as  appears  firm  the  stand  they  took  in  the 
wars  of  Ascassasotick  and  Nenekunat.  And  so  long  as 
other  tribes  succeeded  against  them,  the  voice  of  the 
English  was  silent,  but  when  the  scale  turned  in  favor 
of  their  enemies  they  were  not  slow  to  intercede. 

In  the  life  of  Canonicus,  the  part  Miantunnomoh  ex 
ercised  in  the  government  of  the  great  nation  of  the 
Narragansets  is  related.  Beside  the  country  upon 
Narraganset  bay,  the  Nipmuks,f  Nianticks,  Block- 
islanders,  and  several  places  were  subject  to  them. 

*  Schoolcraft's-  Travels. 

t  Oflener  written  Myantonimo.  This  only  shows  another 
pronunciation.  The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  penultimate 
syllable.  Callender's  Cent.  Discourse,  page  1. 

J  Manuscripts  of  Roger  Williams.       §  Mather's  Relation^ 

|    The  chief  attendants  were  so  callecL 

TC  Winthrops  JournaL 


MIANTtfNNOMOH.  -  193 

In  1634,  captains  Stone  and  Norton  were  killed  by 
the  Pequots,  and  in  1636,  Mr.  John  Oldham,  by  the 
Indians  "  near  Block  island."  Miantunnomoh  did  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  in  apprehending  the  murderers, 
and  Avas  at  much  pains  and  trouble  in  furnishing  the 
English  with  facts  relative  thereto,  from  time  to  time. 
And  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that  there  was  a  ces- 
casion  of  hostilities  between  the  Narragansets  and  Pe 
quots,  Miantunnomoh  was  immediately  ordered  to  ap 
pear  there,  which  he  did  without  delay,  and  agreed  to 
assist  them  in  a  war  against  the  Pequots;  without 
whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English  would  hardly 
have  dared  to'  engage  in  a  war  against  them.  For, 
says  Hiibbard  "  being  a  more  fierce,  cruel,  and  war 
like  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down 
from  the  more  inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by 
force  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest  places  near 
the  sea,  and  became  a  terror  to  all  their  neighbors." 

Early  in  1637,  to  show  the  governor  of  Massachu 
setts  that  he  kept  his  promise,  of  waring  against  the 
Pequots,  sent  by  some  of  his  men  a  Pequot's  hand. 
The  war  with  them  now  commenced,  and  though  of 
short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such  a  degree  that 
they  appeared  no  more  as  a  nation.  One  hundred  of 
the  Narragansets  joined  themselves  with  the  English 
in  its  accomplishment,  and  received  a  part  of  the 
prisoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.*  When  the  war 
was  over  Miantunnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English, 
and  seized  upon  those  of  the  Pequots  who  had  made 
their  escape  from  bondage,  and  returned  them  to  their 
English  masters ;  gave  up  to  them  his  claim  to  Block 
island,  and  other  places  where  the  English  had  found 
Pequots,  and  which  they  considered  as  belonging  to 
them  by  right  of  conquest. 

*  Miantunnomoh  received  eighty.     Mather's  Relation,  39. 


MIANTUN1TOMOH, 

Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  associates  purchasedSha' 
omet,  afterwards  called  Warwick,  fitmi  the  Earl  of  War 
wick,  of  Miantunnomoh,  but  as  Gorton  could  do  noth 
ing  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts, 
Pumham  was  instigated  to  claim  said  tract  of  country  ; 
and  although  a  Sachem  under  Miantunnomoh*  did  not 
hesitate  when  supported  by  the  English,  to  assert  his 
claim  as  chief  Sachem.  And  the  government  of  Mas 
sachusetts  to  make  their  interference  appear  spotless, 
which  it  would  seem  from  their  own  vindication, 
there  was  a  chance  for  doubts,  «  Send  for  the  foresaid 
Sachems,  [who  had  complained  of  Mr.  Gorton  and 
others,  through  the  English,]  and  upon  examination 
find,  both  by  English  and  Indian  testimony,  that  Mian- 
tonomo  was  only  a  usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the 
foresaid  lands."f  This  is  against  the  testimony  of 
every  record,  and  could  no  more  have  been  believed 
then,  than  that  Philip  was  not  Sachem  of  Pokanoket. 
In  all  cases  of  purchase  in  tkose  times,  the  chief  Sa 
chem's  grant  was  valid,  and  maintained  in  almost 
every  instance  by  the  purchaser  or  grantee.  It  was 
customary  generally  to  make  the  inferior  Sachems, 
and  sometimes  all  their  men  presents,  but  it  was  by 
no  means  a  law.  The  chief  Sachems  often  permitted 
those  under  them  to  dispose  of  lands  also,  without  be 
ing  called  to  account. 

In  March  1637,  Miantunnomoh  with  four  other  Sa 
chems  sold  to  William  Coddington  and  others,  the  isl 
and  now  called  Rhode  Island,  also  most  of  the  others 

*  "  The  law  of  the  Indians  in  all  America  is  that  the  in 
ferior  Sachems  and  subjects  shall  plant  and  remove  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  highest  and  supreme  Sachems."  Roger  Wil 
liams.  This  is  authority,  and  we  need  no  other  commentary 
en  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  court  of  Massachusetts. 

t  In  Manuscript  on  file,  at  the  State  House,  Boston. 

\  From  the  same  Manuscript  Document.. 


MIANTUNNOMOH.  195 

in  Narraganset  bay  "  for  the  full  payment  of  forty 
fathom  of  white  peag  to  be  equally  divided  "  between 
them.  Hence  Miantunnomoh  received  eight  fathom. 
He  was  to  "  have  ten  coats  and  twenty  hoes  to  give  to 
the  present  inhabitants,  that  they  shall  remove  them 
selves  from  the  island  before  next  winter."* 

When  it  was  reported  in  1640,  that  Miantunnomoh 
was  plotting  to  cut  off  the  English,  as  mentioned  in 
the  account  of  Janemoh,  and  several  English  were 
sent  to  him  to  know  the  truth  of  the  matter,  he  would 
not  talk  with  them  through  a  Pequot  interpreter,  be 
cause  he  was  then  at  war  with  that  nation.  In  other 
respects  he  complied  with  their  wishes,  and  treated 
them  respectfully,  agreeing  to  come  to  Boston,  for  the 
gratification  of  the  government,  if  they  would  allow 
Mr.  JPilliams  to  accompany  him.  This  they  would 
not  consent  to  and  yet  he  came  agreeably  to  their  de 
sires.  We  shall  presently  see^who  acted  best  the 
part  of  civilized  men  in  this  affair.  He  had  refused 
to  use  a  Pequot  interpreter  for  good  reasons,  but  now 
he  was  from  home  and  surrounded  by  armed  men,  he 
was  obliged  to  submit.  "The  governor  being  as  res 
olute  as  he,  refused  to  use  any  other  interpreter,  think 
ing  it  a  dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  much  way  to  them."!! 
The  great  wisdom  of  the  government  now  displayed 
itself  in  the  person  of  gov.  Thomas  Dudley.  It  is  not  to 
be  expected  but  that  Miantunnomoh,  should  resent  their 
proceedings  ;  for  to  the  above  insult  they  added  others; 
"  would  show  him  no  countenance  nor  admit  him  to 
dine  at  pur  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done,  till  he  had 
acknowledged  his  failing,  &c.,  which  he  readily  did."f 
By  their  own  folly,  the  English  had  made  themselves 
jealous  of  a  powerful  chief,  and  they  appear  ever 
ready  afterwards  to  credit  evil  reports  of  him. 

*  Manuscript  Documents.          t  Winthrop's  Journal. 


196  MIANTUNNOMOH. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to 
conform  to  transitory  notions  upon  such  an  occasion 
is  absolutely  ridiculous ;  and  the  justness  of  the  fol 
lowing  remark  from  him  was  enough  to  shame  good 
men  into  their  senses.  He  said,  "When  your  people 
come  to  me  they  are  permitted  to  use  their  OAvn 
fashions,  and  I  expect  the  same  liberty  when  I  come 
to  you." 

In  1642,  Connecticut  became  very  suspicious  of 
Miantunnomoh,  and  urged  Massachusetts  to  join  them 
in  a  war  against  him.  Their  fears  no  doubt  grew  out 
of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a  war 
with  Uncas  in  his  favor,  which  was  now  on  the  point 
of  breaking  out.  Even  Massachusetts  did  not  think 
their  suspicions  well  founded ;  yet  according  to  their 
request  they  sent  to  Miantunnomoh,  who  as  usual  gave 
them  satisfactory  answers,  and  agreeably  to  their  re 
quest  came  again  to  Boston.  Two  days  were  employ 
ed  by  the  court  of  Massachusetts  in  deliberating  with 
him,  and  we  .are  astonished  at  the  wisdom  of  the 
great  chief,  even  as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

That  a  simple  man  of  nature,  who  never  knew 
courts  or  law,  should  cause  such  acknowledgments  as 
follow,  from  the  civilized  and  wise,  will  always  be  con 
templated  with  intense  admiration,  "  When  he  came," 
says  Winthrop,  "  the  court  was  assembled,  and  before 
his  admission,  we  considered  how  to  treat  with  him, 
for  we  knew  him  to  be  a  very  subtle  man."  When 
he  was  admitted,  "he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  table,  over  against  the  governor,"  but  would 
not  at  any  time  speak  upon  business  unless  some  of 
his  counsellors  were  present ;  saying  "  he  would  have 
them  present,  that  they  might  bear  witness  with  him, 
at  his  return  home,  of  all  his  sayings."  The  same 
author  further  says,  "  In  all  his  answers  he  was  very 


MIANTUNNOMOH.  197 

deliberate  and  showed  good  understanding  in  the 
principles  of  justice  and  equity,  and  ingenuity  withal." 

He  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  they 
could  not  establish  their  allegations,  they  ought  to 
suffer  what  he  expected  to,  if  they  did,  meaning 
death  ;  but  the  court  said  they  knew  of  none,  that  is, 
they  knew  not  whom  they  were,  and  therefore  gave 
them  no  credit  until  they  had  advised  him  according 
to  a  former  agreement.  He  then  said,  "  if  you  did  not 
give  credit  to  it,  why  then  did  you  disarm  the  In 
dians?"  Massachusetts  having  just  then  disarmed 
some  of  the  Merrimacks  under  some  pretence.  "He 
gave  divers  reasons,"  says  gov.  Winthrop,  "  why  we 
should  hold  him  free  of  any  such  conspiracy,  and  why 
we  should  conceive  it.  was  a  report  raised  by  Uncasy 
&c.,  and  therefore  offered  to  meet  Uncas,  and  would 
prove  to  his  face  his  treachery  against  the  English, 
&c.,  and  told  us  he  would  corne  to  us  at  any  time," 
although  he  said  some  had  tried  to  dissuade  him,  say 
ing  that  the  English  would  put  him  to  death,  yet  he 
feared  nothing,  as  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges 
against  him. 

The  punishment,  due  to  those  who  had  raised  the 
accusations,  bore  heavily  upon  his  breast,  and  "he 
put  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had  been  to 
him,  in  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  home, 
and  not  suffer  them  to  go  forth  on  hunting,  &c.  till  he 
had  given  the  English  satisfaction."  After  two  days 
spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  English. 

During  the  council  a  table  was  set  by  itself  for  the 
Indians,  which  Miantunnomoh,  appears  not  to  have 
liked,  and  at  first  would  not  eat,  until  some  food  had 
been  sent  him  from  that  of  the  governor's." 

Tnat  wisdom  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachu 
setts,  in  her  answer  to  Connecticut,  must  be  acknow 


198  MIANTUNNOMOH. 

Hedged ;  but  as  justice  to  Miantunnomoh  abundantly 
demanded  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  due 
only  as  to  him  w}io  does  a  good  act  because  it  was 
his  interest  so  to  do.  They  urged  Connecticut  not 
to  commence  war  alone,  "  alleging  how  dishonorable 
it  would  be  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty 
with  the  Indians,  they  should  make  war  upon  them  ; 
for  they  would  account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing  we 
had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we  were  all 
as  one ;  and  in  our  last  message  to  Miantunnomoh,  had 
remembered  him  again  of  the  same,  and  he  had  an 
swered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Upon  receipt  of 
this  our  answer,  they  forbare  to  enter  into  a  war,  but 
(it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  as  not  well  pleased  with 
us."  The  main  ground  which  -caused  Massachusetts 
to  decide  against  war  was,  «  That  all  those  informa 
tions  [furnished  by  Connecticut]  might  arise  from 
a  false  ground,  and  out  of  the  enmity  which  was 
between  the  Narraganset  and  Monhigen"  Sachems. 
This  was  no  doubt  the  real  cause,  and  had  Miantun 
nomoh  overcame  Uncas,  the  English  would  from  poli 
cy  as  gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  latter. 
For  it  was  constantly  pleaded  in  those  days,  that  their 
safety  must  depend  on  a  union  with  some  of  the  most 
powerful  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  on  fairly  examining  the 
case,  that  Uncas,  used  many  ways  to  influence  the 
English  in  his  favor  and  against  his  enemy.  In  the 
progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  the 
English  acted  precisely,  as  the  Indians  have  been  al 
ways  said  to  do  :  stood  aloof,  and  watched  tlhe  scale 
of  victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors.  From 
the  deliberations  of  the  Massachusetts  council,  there 
cannot  a  doubt  remain,  but  that  they  were  fully  ^atis- 
fied  of  the  innocence  of  Miantunnomoh. 

The  war  brought  on  between   Uncas  and  Miantun- 


MIANTUNNOMOH.  199 

nomoh,  was  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English, 
nor  is  it  to  be  expected  that  they  could  with  certainty, 
determine  the  justice  of  the  cause  of  either.  The 
broil  had  long  existed,  but  the  open  rupture  was 
brought  on  by  Uncas'  making  war  upon  Sequasson,  one 
of  the  Sachems  under  Miantunnomoh.  The  English 
accounts  say  (and  we  have  no  other)  that  about  a  1000 
warriors  were  raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came 
upon  Uncas  unprepared,  having  only  about  400  men  ; 
yet  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  kill 
ed  on  both  sides,  the  Narragonset's  were  put  to  flight, 
and  Miantunnomoh  taken  prisoner.*  He  endeavored 
to  save  himself  by  flight,  but  having  on  a  coat  of  mail, 
was  known  from  ttie  rest,  and  seized  by  two  of  his 
own  rnen,  who  hoped  by  their  treachery  to  save  them-> 
selves,  by  delivering  him  to  Uncas,  but  who  were  kill 
ed  by  him  as  soon  as  they  came  into  his  presence. 
Two  of  the  sons  of  Canonicus  fought  with  Miantunno 
moh,  and  were  wounded  in  this  battle. 

Being  brought  before  Uncas,  he  remained  without 
speaking  a  word,  until  Uncas  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  "  If 
you  had  taken  me  I  would  have  besought  you  for  my 
life."  He  then  took  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and  at 
his  request  left  him  a  prisoner  with  the  English,  until 
the  mind  of  the  united  colonies  should  be  known  as  to 
what  disposition  should  be  made  of  him. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  having  convened 
at  Boston,  "  who  taking  into  serious  consideration  what 
was  safest  and  best  to  be  done,  were  all  of  opinion 
that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither 
had  we  sufficient  ground  for  us  to  put  him  to  death." f 

*  The  place  where  this  battle  was  fought  was  in  the  east 
ern  part  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  the  place  to  this  day  is 
called  the  Sachems  Plain. 

K  Winthrop,  II,  131^ 


. 

200  MtANTUNNOMOH. 

The  awful  design  of  putting  to  death  their  friend,  they 
had  not  yet  fixed  upon,  but  calling  to  their  aid  in 
council — whom  ? — And  must  it  be  told  ! ! — It  has  been 
told  before — "Jive  of  the  most  judicious  elders"  "  They 
all  agreed  that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death."  This 
was  the  final  decision,  and  to  complete  the  deed  of 
darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoined  upon  all.  And  their 
determination  was  to  be  made  known  to  Uncos  pri 
vately,  with  direction  that  he  should  execute  him 
within  his  own  jurisdiction  and  without  torture. 

When  the  determination  of  the  commissioners  and 
elders  was  made  known  to  Uncas,  he  "  readily  under 
took  the  execution,  and  taking  Miantunnomoh  along 
with  him,  in  the  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor, 
(where  Uncas  hath  some  men  dwell,)  tineas'  brother, 
following  after  Miantunnomoh  clave  his  head  with  an 
hatchet."*  Mather  says,  they  "very  fairly  cut  off  his 
head."f  Dr.  Trumlull\  records  an  account  of  cannibal 
ism,  at  this  time,  which  we  ought  to  caution  the  reader 
against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no  doubt  rests 
on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer 
even  the  transactions  of  one  continent  to  another.  It 
is  this.  "  Uncas  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder, 
and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph;"  saying,  "'it  was  the 
sweetest  meat  he  ever  ate,  it  made  his  heart  strong.'"§ 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  II,  134. 

t  Magnalia.         \  History  of  Connecticut,  1, 135. 

§  That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circum 
stances  of  an  eminently  obscure  writer's  publishing  nearly 
the  same  story,  which  he  says  in  his  book,  took  place  upon 
the  death  of  Philip.  Oneko,  he  says,  cut  out  a  pound  of  Phil 
ips'  bleeding  body  and  ate  it.  The  book  is  by  one  Henry 
TrumbuH,  and  purports  to  be  a  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America,  the  Indian  Wars,  &c.  The  reader  will  find  it  about 
stalls  by  the  street  side,  but  rarely  in  a  respectable  book 
store.  It  has  been  forced  through  many  editions,  but  there 
is  scarce  a  word  of  true  history  in  it. 


M'INTOSH.  201 

The  same  author  says,  "  the  Mohegans,  by  the  order 
of  Uncas,  buried  him  at  the  place  of  his  execution, 
and  erected  a  great  heap,  or  pillar,  upon  his  grave." 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,*  it  is  said,  that  Uftcas  before  the  bat 
tle,  told  Miantunnomoh  that,  having  many  ways  sought 
his  life,  he  would  now,  if  he  durst,  decide  their  differ 
ence  by  single  combat,  but  that  Miantunnomoh  "  pre 
suming  upon  his  number  of  men,  would  have  nothing 
but  a  battle." 

It  does  not  appear  from  the  records  last  cited,  that 
Uncas  at  first  had  any  idea  of  putting  Miantunnomoh  to 
death,  but  to  extort  a  great  price  for  his  ransom,  of 
his  countrymen  ;  that  a  large  amount  in  wampum  was 
collected  for  this  purpose,  appears  certain,  but  before 
it  was  paid,  Uncas  received  the  decision  of  the  En 
glish,  and  then  pretended  that  he  had  made  no  such 
agreement,  or  that  the  quantity  or  quality  was  not  as 
agreed  upon. 

•Jff^fntOSh)  a  southern  chief,  who  fought  with 
the  Americans  in  several  battles  against  his  country 
men  in  the  war  of  1812-33  and  14.  He  is  first  men 
tioned  by  general  Jackson,]  in  his  account  of  the  battle, 
as  he  called  it,  of  Autossee,  where  he  assisted  in  the 
brutal  destruction  of  200  of  his  nation.  There  was 
nothing  like  fighting  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the 
place,  as  we  can  learn,  being  surprised  in  their  wig 
wams,  and  hewn  to  pieces.  "  The  Cowetaws,"  says 
the  general,  "  under  M'Intosh,  and  Zookaubatchians 
under  Mad-dog's  son,  fell  in  on  our  flanks,  and  fought 
with  an  intrepidity  worthy  of  any  troops."  And  after 
relating  the  burning  of  the  place,  he  thus  proceeds  :  "It 
is  difficult  to  determine  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but 

*  See  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  II,  7-10. 
t  Brannan'e  official  Letters. 
17 


202  M'INTOSH. 

from  the  information  of  some  of  the  chiefs,  which  k 
is  said  can  be  relied  on,  there  were  assembled  at  Au- 
tosse,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  its  defence  ;  it  be 
ing  their  beloved  ground,  on  which  they  proclaimed  no 
white  man  could  abroach  without  inevitable  destruc 
tion.  It  is  difficult  to  give  a  precise  account  of  the 
loss  of  the  enemy,  but  from  the  number  which  were 
lying  scattered  over  the  field,  together  with  those  de 
stroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the  many  slain  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  which  respectable  officers  affirm  that  they 
saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  waters'  edge,  where  they  had 
been  precipitated  by  their  surviving  friends,[!!]  their 
loss  in  killed,  independent  of  their  wounded,  must 
have  been  at  least  200,  (among  whom  were  the  Au- 
tossee  and  Tallassee  kings,)  and  from  the  circumstance 
of  their  making  no  efforts  to  molest  our  return,  proba 
bly  greater.  The  number  of  buildings  burnt,  some  of  a 
superior  order  for  the  dwellings  of  savages,  and  filled 
with  valuable  articles,  is  supposed  to  be  400."  This 
was  on  the  20th  .of  November,  1813. 

M'Intosh  was  also  very  conspicuous  in  the  memora 
ble  battle  of  the  Horse-shoe-bend,  in  the  Tallapoosie 
river.  At  this  place  the  disconsolate  tribes  of  the 
south  had  made  a  last  great  stand,  and  had  a  tolerably 
regular  fortified  camp.  It  was  said  that  they  were 
1000  strong.  They  fiad  constructed  their  works  with 
such  ingenuity,  that  little  could  be  effected  against 
them  but  by  storm.  "Determined  to  exterminate 
them,"  says  the  general,  "I  detached  general  Coffee. 
with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Indian 
force,  early  on  the  morning  of  yesterday,  [March  27th, 
1814,]  to  cross  the  river  about  two  miles  below  their 
encampment,  and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a 
manner,  as  that  none  of  them  should  escape  by  at 
tempting  to  cross  the  river."  "  Bean's  company  of  spies, 


M'INTOSH.  203 

who  had  accompanied  gen.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  ca 
noes  to  the  extremity  of  the  bend,  and  set  fire  to  a 
few  of  the  buildings  which  were  there  situated  ;  they 
then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  the  breast 
work,  and  commenced  a  spirited  fire  upon  the  enemy 
behind  it."  This  force  not  being  able  to  effect  their 
object,  many  others  of  the  army  showed  great  ardor  to 
participate  in  the  assault.  "  The  spirit  which  animat 
ed  them  was  -a  sure  augury  of  the  success  which  was 
to  follow."  « The  regulars,  led  on  by  their  intrepid 
and  skilful  commander,  col.  Williams,  and  by  the  gal 
lant  maj.  Montgomery,  soon  gained  possession  of  the 
works  in  the  midst  of  a  most  tremendous  fire  from  be 
hind  them,  and  the  militia  of  the  venerable  gen.  Doher- 
ty's  brigade  accompanied  them  in  the  charge  with  a 
vivacity  and  firmness  which  would  have  done  honor 
to  regulars.  The  enemy  was  completely  routed.  Five 
hundred  and  fifty  seven*  were  left  dead  on  the  peninsu 
la,  and  a  great  number  were  killed  by  the  horsemen  in 
attempting  to  cross  the  river.  It  is  believed  that  not 
more  than  twenty  have  escaped. 

"The  fighting  continued  with  some  severity  about 
five  hours  ;  but  we  continued  to  destroy  many  of  them, 
who  had  concealed  themselves  under  the  banks  of  the 
river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  the  night.  This 
morning  we  killed  16  who  had  been  concealed.  We 
took  about  250  prisoners,  all  women  and  children,  ex 
cept  two  or  three.  Our  loss  is  106  wounded,  and  25 
killed.  Major  M'Intosh,  the  Cowetau,  who  joined  my 
army  with  a  part  of  his  tribe,  greatly  distinguished 
himself."f  Truly  this  was  a  war  of  extermination  ! ! 
The  philanthropist  may  enquire  whether  all  those  poor 

*  These  are  the  general's  italics ;  at  least  Brannan  so  prints 
his  official  letter, 
t  Brannan,  ut  supra. 


204  MIOXEO. 

wretches  who  had  secreted  themselves  here  and  there 
in  the  "  caves  and  reeds  "  had  deserved  death  ?  They 
were  first  taken  prisoners,  then  murdered  ! 

•JftiOXeO)  one  of  the  chiefs  of  Martha's  Vineyard, 
His  place  of  residence  was  at  a  place  called  Numpang, 
within  the  limits  of  Edgarton.  Mr.  Mayhew  writes  his 
name  Miohqsoo.*  He  was  converted  to  Christianity 
through  the  endeavors  of  the  celebrated  Hiacoomes,  in 
1646.  $When  in  a  time  of  great  sickness  among  the 
Indian/of  that  place,  Hiacoomes  and  his  family  were 
observed  by  those  who  had  opposed  his  doctrine  to 
have  entirely  escaped  the  calamity  ;  they  were  ready  to 
attribute  it  to  his  being  a  Christian.  Among  others 
Mioxeo  sent  for  him,  to  learn  something  about  his  God. 
Glad  of  the  opportunity  to  disseminate  religion,  Hia- 
foomes  repaired  immediately  to  Mioxeo's  residence, 
where  he  found  not  only  a  great  many  of  the  common 
people,  but  Towanquatitk,  a  chief  Sagamore.  Mioxeo 
asked  Hincoomes  how  many  Gods  the  English  did  wor 
ship?  he  answered  "one."  Then  Mioxeo  enumerated 
thirty-seven  of  his,  and  said  "shall  I  throw  away  these 
thirty-seven  for  one  ?"  Hiacoomes  replied,  "  I  have 
thrown  away  all  these,  and  a  great  many  more,  some 
years  ago,  yet  am  I  preserved,  you  see,  this  day."  This 
was  argument  enough  with  Mioxeo,  and  he  said  "  you 
speak  true,  therefore  I  will  throw  away  all  my  Gods 
too."  From  that  time  forward  he  engaged  zealously 
in  the  cause  of  Hiacoomes.  Towanquatick  became  al 
so  engaged  in  the  same  cause,  f  and  was  the  first  Sag 
amore  that  became  a  Christian  upon  the  island.  He 
died  about  1670.  The  time  of  the  death  of  Mioxeo  is 
unknown,  but  he  lived  to  a  great  age.  A  son  and 
daughter  of  his  were  put  under  the  instruction  of  Mr, 

*  Indian  Converts,  76,         »    t  History  of  N.  England, 


MOG.  205 

Maykew.  The  daughter  became  a  pious  woman,  and 
the  son  was  sent  for  England,  but  was  lost  at  sea  with 
the  rest  of  the  ship's  crew.* 

•JffisMfcinakwa,  the  same  as  Little-turtle, 
which  see.  The  similarity  of  his  name  to  Michilima- 
kinak  is  apparent.  That  place  was  so  called  from  its 
resemblance  to  a  turtle's  back,  at  a  distance. 

Jffog,  an  old  chief  of  the  Norridgewoks,  or  more 
properly,  Nerigwoks,  in  1724.  In  the  French  and 
Indian  wars  of  that  period,  the  Nerigwoks  were  con 
sidered  as  the  chief  source  of  the  depredations  upon  the 
frontiers,  and  nothing  short  of  their  extermination,  it 
was  thought,  could  relieve  them.  Ralle,  a  Roman 
Catholic  missionary,  who  had  been  thirty-seven  years 
among  the  Indians,  lived  there,  and  was  supposed  to 
have  encouraged  their  depredations. 

In  August  1724,  a  force  was  dispatched,  consisting 
of  208  men,  and  three  Mohawk  Indians,  under  capts. 
Moulton,  Harman  and  Bourne,  to  humble  the  Nerig 
woks.  They  came  upon  the  village,  while  there  was 
not  a  man  in  arms  to  oppose  them.  They  had  left 
forty  of  their  men  at  Teconet  falls,  which  is  now  with 
in  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  the  Kennebeck,  and 
about  two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  English  had  divided 
themselves  into  three  squadrons,  eighty  under  Harman 
proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  surprise 
some  in  their  corn  fields,  while  Moulton  with  eighty 
more  proceeded  directly  for  the  village,  which  being 
surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be  seen  until  they 
were  close  upon  it.  All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and 
the  English  advanced  slowly  and  in  perfect  silence. 
When  pretty  near,  an  Indian  came  out  of  his  wigwam, 
and  accidentally  discovering  the  English,  ran  in  and 

*  Mayhew's  Indian  Converts,  79.  82. 


•«      "^^- 


206 

seized  his  gun,  and  giving  the  war  whoop,  in  a  few 
minutes  the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and  advancing 
to  meet  them.  Moulton  ordered  his  men  not  to  fire 
until  the  Indians  had  made  the  first  discharge.  This 
order  was  obeyed,  and  as  he  expected,  they  overshot 
them.  His  men  then  fired  upon  them  in  their  turn, 
and  did  great  execution.  When  the  Indians  had  given 
another  volley,  they  fled  with  great  precipitation  to 
the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their  women  and  chil 
dren  had  also  fled  during  the  fight.  Some  of  the 
English  pursued  and  killed  many  of  them  in  the  river, 
and  others  fell  to  pillaging  and  burning  the  village. 
Mog  disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  possession 
of  a  wigwam,  from  which  he  fired  upon  the  pillagers. 
In  one  of  his  discharges  he  killed  a  Mohawk,  whose 
brother  observing  it,  rushed  upon  Mog  and  killed  him  ; 
and  thus  ended  the  strife.  There  were  about  sixty 
warriors  in  the  place,  about  one  half  of  whom  were 
killed. 

The  famous  Rolls  shut  himself  up  in  his  house, 
from  which  he  fired  upon  the  English,  and  wounding 
one.  Lieut.  Jaques?  of  Newbury,f  burst  open  the  door 
and  shot  him  through  the  head,  although  Moulton  had 
given  orders  that  none  should  kill  him.  He  had  an 
English  boy  with  him,  about  fourteen  years  old,  who 
had  been  taken  sometime  before  from  the  frontiers, 
and  whom  the  English  reported  RalU  was  about  to 
kill.  Great  brutality  and  ferocity  are  chargeable  to 
the  English  in  this  affair,  according  to  their  own  ac- 

*  Who  I  conclude  was  a  volunteer,  as  I  do  not  find  his 
name  upon  the  return  made  by  Moulton,  which  is  uppn  file 
in  the  garret/ west  wing  of  our  State  House. 

t  Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  Joshua  Coffin,  S.  H. 
S.,  which  should  the  world  ever  be  so  fortunate  as  to  see  in 
print,  we  will  ensure  them  not  only  great  gratification,  but  a 
fund  of  amusement. 


MONAHOOE.  207 

count.  Such  as  killing  women  and  children,  and 
scalping  and  mangling  the  body  of  father  Raltt.* 

They  had  here  a  handsome  church,  with  a  bell,  on 
which  they  committed  a  double  sacrilege,  first  robbing 
it,  then  setting  it  on  fire.  Herein  surpassing  the  act 
of  the  first  great  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  de 
predations  upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  America ;  for 
he  only  took  away  the  gold  and  silver  vessels  of  a 
church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  was  of  massy  gold, 
set  about  with  diamonds,  and  that  too,  upon  the  ad 
vice  of  his  chaplain.  "  This  might  pass,"  says  a  rev 
erend  author, f  «« for  sea  divinity,  but  justice  is  quite 
another  thing." 

Harman  was  the  general  in  the  expedition,  and  for  a 
time  had  the  honor  of  it ;  but  Moulton,  according  to  gov. 
Hutchinson,  achieved  the  victory,  and  it  was  afterward 
acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a  prisoner 
when  a  small  boy  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being 
among  those  taken  at  the  destruction  of  York,  in  1692. 
He  died  about  1759.  The  township  of  Moultonbor- 
ough,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  named  from  him,  and 
many  of  his  posterity  reside  there  at  the  present  day. 

tJtfonahooe)  a  distinguished  chief  of  the  Creek 
nation,  who  in  1814,  made  a  last  stand  against  the 
Americans,  at  the  great  bend  of  the  Tallapoosie,  call 
ed  by  the  Indians,  Tohopeka,  and  by  the  whites  the 
Horse-shoe. 

In  a  letter,  after  the  battle  of  the  Great  Bend,  gen. 
Jackson  writes,!  tl  Among  the  dead  was  found  their  fa 
mous  prophet  Monahooe,  shot  in  the  mouth  by  a  grape 
shot,  as  if  heaven  designed  to  chastise  his  impostures  by 

*  I  follow  Hutchinson  chiefly  in  this  account, 
t  Prince,  in  his  Worthies  of  Devonshire  . 
J   Brannan's  Official  Letters,  322. 


208  MONOCO. 

an  appropriate  punishment."*     In  the  article  JWIntosh 
we  give  a  history  of  that  battle. 

JffotlOCOj  (John)  commonly  known  by  the  name 
of  One-eyed-john  ;  "  a  notable  fellow,"  who  when 
Philip's  war  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  conse 
quently  was  acquainted  with  every  part  of  the  town, 
which  knowledge  he  improved  to  his  advantage,  on 
two  occasions,  in  that  war.  On  Sunday,  22d  August, 
1675,  a  man,  his  wife  and  two  children  were  killed  at 
that  place.f  At  this  time  the  Hassanamesit  praying 
Indians  were  placed  at  Marlborough  by  authority.  No 
sooner  was  it  known  that  a  murder  was  committed  at 
Lancaster,  than  not  a  few  were  wanting  to  charge  it 
upon  the  Hassanamesits.  Capt.  Mosely,  who  it  seems 
was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their  quarters,  and 
found  "  much  suspicion  against  eleven  of  them,  for 
singing  and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  and  slugs,  and 
much  powder  hid  in  their  baskets."  For  this  offence, 
these  eleven  were  sent  to  Boston,  on  suspicion,  and 
there  to  be  tried.  "  But  upon  trial,  the  said  prisoners 
were  all  of  them  acquitted  from  the  fact,  and  were 
either  released,  or  else  were,  with  others  of  that  fort, 
sent  for  better  security,  and  for  preventing  future 
trouble  in  the  like  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below 
Boston,  towards  Nantasket."| 

It  appears  that  there  were  «  eleven  Indians  and  a 
squaw,  that  were  tried  for  their  lives,"  on  account  of 
the  Lancaster  murder.  And  it  also  seems  that  some 

*  Such  language  might  lead  one  to  suppose  that  the  gen 
eral  had  just  been  reading  a  portion  of  the  Magnolia. 

t  The  above  is  Mr.  Hubbard's  account.  Mr.  Willard,  in 
his  excellent  liistory  of  Lancaster,  gives  us  the  names  of  six, 
and  says  eight  were  killed.  But  in  his  enumeration  I  count 
nine.  \  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


•  .III' 

MONOCO.  209 

time  elapsed  after  the  murder  was  committed,  before 
the  "  eleven"  were  sent  down  for  trial,  or  that  they 
had  returned  back  to  their-hornes  again  ;  for  Ephraim 
Turner  and  William  Kent  were  not  sent  up  to  find  out 
where  "  they  all  were,"  and  what  answers  they  could 
get  from  those  they  met  with,  until  the  beginning  of 
October ;  at  which  time,  these  eleven  Indians  were 
scattered  in  every  direction,  about  their  daily  con 
cerns  ;  and  all  the  information  they  appear  to  have 
handed  into  court,  was,  that  they  were  thus  scattered. 
Waban  and  Mr.  John  Watson  seem  to  have  been  the 
only  persons  questioned.  Watson  was  appointed  by 
authority,  to  reside  there,  to  look  after  them,  and  his 
voice  was  always  in  their  favor. 

After  a  trial  of  much  vexation,  to  these  innocent 
natives,  in  which  David,  the  main  witness  against 
them,  acknowledged  his  perfidy,  one  of  the  enemy  was 
brought  in  a  prisoner,  who  avowed  that  it  was  One- 
eyed-john,  and  that  he  had  boasted  much  of  the  ex 
ploit  ;  and  after  a  short  time  another  was  taken  who 
confirmed  it.* 

Notwithstanding  the  English  had  notice  of  the  in 
tent  of  the  enemy,  to  fall  upon  Lancaster,  yet  it  was 
so  little  heeded,  that  on  the  10th  February,  1676,  it 
was  almost  entirely  destroyed.  The  onset  was  made 
by  a  great  body,  of  perhaps  5  or  600  Indians,  who 
divided  themselves  into  several  strong  companies,  and 
made  the  attack  in  different  places.  Monaco  led  one 
of  these  bodies. 

On  the  13th  March,  following,  Groton  was  surpris 
ed.  In  this  affair,  too,  John  Monoco  was  principal ; 
and,  on  his  own  word,  we  set  him  down  as  the  de 
stroyer  of  Medfield. 

When  James  Quannapohit  was  out  as  a  spy,  Monoco 

*  Gookin's  MS.  History. 


210 


MONOCO. 


kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  former  acquain 
tance,  not  knowing  his  character.  Even  this,  in  a  less 
barbarous  war,  would  have  saved  him  from  the  gal 
lows.  Whatever  were  his  intentions,  the  deed  was 
good,  but  met  with  a  sad  requital.  He  was  pleased 
to  see  his  old  friend  again,  with  whom  he  had  served 
in  their  wars  against  the  Mohawks.  He  was  one  of 
those  who  delivered  themselves  up  at  Cocheco,  and 
was  executed  at  Boston. 

After  he  had  burned  Groton,  .except  one  garrison 
house,  he  called  to  the  captain  in  it,  and  told  him  he 
would  burn  in  succession,  Chelmsford,  Concord,  Water- 
town,  Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Roxbury,  and  Boston  ; 
and  added,  "  What  me  will,  me  do."  He  boasted  he 
had  480  warriors.* 

•WfOMOHOttO)  a  famous  Pequot  chief  in  the  war 
which  terminated  in  their  destruction,  in  1637.  Hub- 
bard  calls  him  a  "noted  Indian,"  whose  wife  and 
children  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  as  "  it 
was  known  to  be  by  her  mediation  that  two  English 
maids  (that  were  taken  away  from  Weathersfield,  up 
on  Connecticut  river)  were  saved  from  death,  in  re- 
quittal  of  whose  pity  and  humanity,  the  life  of  herself 
and  children  was  not  only  granted  her,  but  she  was  in 
special  recommended  to  the  care  of  gov.  Wintlirop,  of 
Massachusetts."  Mononotto  fled  with  Sassacus  to  the 
Mohawks,  for  protection,  with  several  more  chiefs.  He 
was  not  killed  by  them  as  Sassacus  was,  but  escaped 
from  them  wounded,  and  probably  died  by  the  hands 
of  his  English  enemies.  He  is  thus  mentioned  by 
Gov.  Wolcott,  in  his  poem  upon  Winthrop's  agency,  &c. 

"  '  Prince  Mononotto  sees  his  squadrons  fly, 
And  on  our  general  having  fixed  his  eye, 
Rage  and  revenge  his  spirits  quickening, 
He  set  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  string.'  " 

*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  75,  4to.  edition. 


MUG.  211 


or>  as  ne  was  sometimes  called,  Jlgama- 
gus,  a  noted  Penobscot  chief,  and  one  of  Madoka- 
wando's  principal  Sagamores.  We  can,  add  little  con 
cerning  him,  to  what  has  already  been  said  in  the  life 
of  that  chief.  After  that  great  Sachem  was  dead,'  and 
the  war  between  the  French  and  English  nations 
ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  submit  to 
terms. 

.  Moxus  seems  the  successor  of  Madokawando,  and 
when  delegates  were  sent  into  the  eastern  country  to 
make  peace  with  the  Indians,  in  1699,  his  name  stood 
first  among  the  signers  of  the  treaty.*  He  concluded 
another  treaty  with  gov.  Dudley,  in  1702.  The  next 
year,  in  company  with  Wdnungonet,  Jlssacombuit,  and 
a  number  of  French,  he  invested  capt.  March  in  the 
fort  at  Casco,  now  Portland.  After  using  every  en 
deavor  to  take  it  by  assault,  they  had  recourse  to  the  fol 
lowing  stratagem.  They  began  at  the  water's  edge  to 
undermine  it  by  digging,  but  were  prevented  by  the 
timely  arrival  of  an  armed  vessel  under  capt.  Southack. 
They  had  taken  a  vessel  and  a  great  quantity  of  plun 
der.  About  200  canoes  were  destroyed,  and  the  ves 
sel  retaken.  From  which  circumstance  it  may  be  in 
ferred  that  their  number  was  great. 

We  last  shall  notice  Moxus  in  1713,  in  which  year 
he  is  again  making  peace  with  the  English,  at  Casco.f 

JtfUg")  a  chief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and 
very  conspicuous  in  the  eastern  war  of  1676-7,  into 
which  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by  the  same 
cause  as  Madokawando^  already  stated.  He  had  been 
very  friendly  to  the  English,  and  had  lived  some  time 
with  them. 

On  the  12th  Oct.  1676,  he  made  an  assault  upon 

*  Magnalia,  II.  543.  't  Penhallow. 


212  NAHATON. 

Black  Point,  now  in  Scarborough,  with  about  100 
warriors.  "  All  the  inhabitants  being  gathered  into 
one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  which  a  few  hands 
might  have  defended  against  all  the  Indians  on  that 
side  of  the  country."*  While  the  captain  of  the  gar 
rison  was  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  Mug,  the  peo 
ple  fled  from  the  garrison,  and  took  all  their  effects 
along  with  them.  A  few  of  his  own  servants,  however, 
remained,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  chief,  who 
treated  them  kindly. 

His  being  seized  and  sent  to  Boston,  when  attempt 
ing  to  effect  a  treaty,  has  been  related  in  the  life  of 
the  chief  before  named.  When  Francis  Card  was  a 
prisoner  among  his  men,  he  told  him  "  that  he  had 
found  out  the  way  to  burn  Boston,"  and  laughed 
much  about  the  English,  saying  he  would  have  all 
their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole  country,  and 
bragged  much  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  kill 
ed  at  Black  Point,  the  same  place,  where  the  year  be 
fore  he  had  had  such  good  success,  on  May  16th. 
He  had  besieged  the  garrison  three  days,  killed  three 
men  and  took  one  captive.  The  celebrated  Symon, 
who  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  many  places,  was 
with  him  here.  Lieutenant  Tippin,  who  commanded 
the  garrison,  "made  a  successful  shot  upon  an  Indian, 
that  was  observed  to  be  very  busy  and  bold  in  the  as 
sault,  who  at  that  time  was  deemed  to  be  Symon,  the 
arch  villain  and  incendiary  of  all  the  eastward  Indians, 
but  proved  to  be  one  almost  as  good  as  himself,  who 
was  called  Mog"\ 

J^TaHfitOH^  (William)  a  Christian  of  Massachu 
setts,  was  the  first  who  gave  information  to  the  En 
glish,  that  John  Sassamon  had  been  murdered  by  order 

*  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  ii,  46.          t  History  New  England. 


V. 
NATHANIEL.  213 

of  Philip.*  Early  in  1676,  the  general  court  voted 
to  raise  an  arrny  of  600  men,  to  be  sent  forth  against 
Philip,  and  requested  major  Savage  to  take  the  com 
mand  of  them.  He  objected,  unless  some  of  the 
Christian  Indians  upon  Deer  Island  should  accompa 
ny  him  as  guides.  The  court  being  well  aware  of  the 
sound  judgment  of  major  Savage,  granted  his  request. 
Accordingly,  six,  "  all  principal  men,"  volunteered 
and  set  forth  with  the  army.  William  Nahaton  was 
one  of  them.f  No  more  particulars  are  found  of  him, 
but  Savage's  successes  must  be  shared  with  Nahaton 
and  his  companions.  I  conclude  this  person  to  be 
the  same  as  Ahaton,  which  see. 

JVaHHWtCHOO'  See  Canonchet,  which  was  the 
last  name  he  bore. 

JV*aoaSj  one  of  those  Christian  Indians  who 
were  forcibly  taken  away  from  Hassanamesit,  as  will 
be  mentioned  in  an  account  of  Tmkappawillin,  who 
was  his  son.  Naoas  was  at  this  time  about  eighty 
years  old,  and  somewhat  accustomed  to  a  stationary 
life,  which  made  his  situation  among  the  enemy  very 
distressing.  He  was  deacon  of  the  church,  and  in 
cluded  in  the  number  which  Job  Kattenanit  made  such 
extraordinary  exertions  to  deliver  from  bondage,  which 
has  already  been  mentioned  under  that  head.  The 
party  of  English  who  took  him,  with  the  rest  of  Job's 
friends,  robbed  them  of  every  thing,  even  of  a  pewter 
cup  which  they  used  at  their  sacraments.  Nothing 
was  ever  returned  to  them  again. 

•WathMHtel)  a  Sagamore  who  lived  about  Gi»- 
ton.  He  was  the  leader  in  the  mischief  when  the 
hay  was  burned  at  Chehnsford,  as  related  under  Hawk 
ins..  His  end  was  in  a  measure  answered  by  this  «n- 

*  Mather's  Brief  History  Philip's  War,  2. 
t  Manuscript  History  Christian  Indians. 
18 


214  NEPANET. 

terprise,  which  was  to  effect  a  breach  between  the 
Christian  Indians  and  the  English.  He  was  among 
those  executed  at  Boston,  after  delivering  himself  up 
at  Cocheco,  at  the  close  of  Philip's  war.  One  of  this 
name  attended  capt.  Church  in  his  successful  enter 
prise  in  Philip's  war. 

JYawashtlWSWcU)  a  Wampanoag,  and  a  chief 
under  Massasoit.  His  name  appears  in  the  Warwick 
controversy  as  disputing  the  claims  of  Pumham  to  that 
place.  And  is  mentioned  by  Roger  Williams  as  one 
of  the  Sachems  who  must  be  brought  out,  for  that  he 
was  at  daily  feud  with  Pumham,  and  the  quiet  of  the 
inhabitants  was  much  disturbed  by  a  constant  fear  of 
war  between  the  two  Sachems.* 

JVenekWVlMt ^  a  principal  chief  among  the  Narra- 
gansets,  a  contemporary  with  Massasoit.  The  amount 
of  our  information  concerning  him  is  included  under 
Potok.  We  are  of  opinion  that  he  is  the  same  as  JVin- 
igret,  which,  see. 

•Mepttnct)  (Tom)  a  faithful  and  valuable  man  to 
the  English  in  Philip's  war.  Although  unjustly  suffer 
ing  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a  bleak  island  in 
Boston  harbor,  consented  to  go  into  the  enemy's 
country,  for  the  benefit  of  the  English,  whose  sad 
condition  at  this  period  .of  the  great  Indian  war,  is  we 
should  apprehend,  known  to  every  one.  That  they 
might  gain  Jime  during  the  winter  this  expedition  of 
Nepanet  was  set  on  foot.  Scarcely  anything  of  im 
portance  h»d  as  yet  been  done  against  the  enemy,  and 
the  council,  after  repeated  solicitations  from  captain 
Henchman,  who  had  charge  of  them  upon  the  island, 
and  many  others,  consented  that  some  of  thenTshould 
be  employed.  The  hatred  of  the  populace  was  so  ex 
cited  against  all  Indians,  that  the  enlightened  few 

*  Hazard. 


NEPANET.  215 

who  composed  the  government  were  often  over  awed 
into  a  compliance  with  their  views. 

Nepanet  set  out,  April  |he  ]2th,  1676,  to  make  over 
tures  to  the  enemy  for  the  release  of  prisoners,  espe 
cially  the  family  of  Mr.  Rowlandson,  which  was  taken 
at  Lancaster.  He  soon  returned  with  a  written  an 
swer  from  the  enemy  saying,  "  We  no  give  answer  by 
this  one  man,  but  if  you  like  my  answer  sent  one 
more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Nepanet,  and  send  with 
all  true  heart  and  with  all  your  mind  by  two  men ; 
because  you  know  and  we  know  your  heart  great  sor 
rowful  with  crying  for  your  lost  many  many  hundred 
man  and  all  your  house  and  all  your  land  and  woman 
child  and  cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you  have  lost." 

At  the  same  time,  and  I  conclude  in  the  same  letter, 
they  wrote  a  few  words  to  others  as  follows :  "  Mr. 
Rowlandson  ycxur  wife  and  all  your  child  is  well  "but 
one  dye.  Your  sister  is  well  and  her  3  child. — John 
Kittell  your  wife  and  all  your  child  is  all  well  and 

all  them  prisoners  taken   at  Nashua  is  all  well. 

Mr.  Rowlandson,  se  your  loving  sister  his  hand  Hanah." 
And  old  Kettel  wif  bis  hand  ^ 

Brother  Rowlandson  pray  send  thre  pound  ,of  Tobacco 
for  me,  if  you  can  my  loving  husband  pray  send  thre 
pound  of  tobacco  for  me. 

"  This  writing  by  your  enemies — Samuel  Uskattuh- 
gun,  and  Gunrashit,  two  Indian  Sagamores." 

Nepanet  learned  by  the  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the 
fight  when  capt.  Pierce  was  killed,  "scores  of  their 
men  that  Sabbath  day."* 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  Nepanet  alone, 
Peter  Conway  was  joined  with  him  on  a  second  expe 
dition,  which  led  to  several  others,  to  which  some 

*  Manuscripts  of  Rev.  J.  Cotton. 


I 


216  NIMROD. 

English  ventured  to  add  themselves,  which  resulted 
in  the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and  several 
others. 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  negociation  was  the  im 
mediate  cause  of  their  final  overthrow.  For  before 
this  time  the  Pokanokets  and  Narragansets  went  hand 
in  hand  against  their  common  enemy,  and  they  were 
the  most  powerful  tribes.  This  parleying  with  the 
English  was  so  detestable  to  Philip,  that  a  separation 
took  place  among  these  tribes,  and  he  and  the  Narra 
gansets  separated  themselves  from  the  Nipmuks  and 
other  inland  tribes  and  went  off  to  their  own  country. 
Hence  the  reason  that  they  were  so  easily  subdued 
after  this  took  place. 

It  was  through  Nepanet's  means  that  a  party  of  En 
glish,  under  capt.  Henchman,  were  enabled  to  surprise 
a  body  of  his  countrymen  at  Weshakom  ponds  near 
Lancaster,  in  May,  1676.  Following  in  a  track  point 
ed  out  by  Nepanet,  the  Indians  were  fallen  upon  while 
fishing,  and  being  entirely  unprepared,  seven  were 
killed  and  twenty -nine  taken,  chiefly  women  and  chil 
dren. 

•WeSMtMH)  (Job)  a  Christian,  killed  in  the  first 
expedition  to  Mount  Hope,  in  Philip's  war.  He  was  a 
valiant  soldier,  understood  well  the  English  language, 
and  was  of  great  assistance  to  Rev.  John  Eliott  in  mak 
ing  his  version  of  the  Bible  into  Indian. 

JYickotawance,  a  Sachem  of  Virginia.  See 
the  last  paragraph  of  the  life  of  Opekankanough. 

•Wimrod,,  a  Pokanokit.  When  Philip  fled  out 
of  the  swamp  at  Pocasset,  August  1675,  he  was  pur 
sued  by  several  companies  of  English,  a  company  of 
Mohegans  and  a  company  of  Naticks.  They  overtook 
him,  and  a  smart  fight  ensuecl,  in  which  fourteen  of 
his  chiefs  were  slain.  One  of  these  was  Nimrod,  See 


NINIGRET.  217 

Oneko.  He  was  with  Philip  at  Taunton,  in  1671,  and 
with  him  signed  articles  of  submission  to  the  English, 
as  will  be  found  mentioned  under  that  article. 

JVinigret)  often  called  Ninicrqft,  and  sometimes 
Nenekunat*  and  Niniglud;  was  generally  styled  Sach 
em  of  the  Nianticks,  a  tribe  of  the  Narragarlsets  ;  whose 
principal  residence  was  at  Wekapaug,  now  Westerly,  in 
Rhode  Island.  He  was  a  brother,  or  brother-in-law,  to 
Miantunnomoh^  and  contemporary  with  Janemoh,  whom 
he  succeeded.  He  is  Commonly  mentioned  in  history 
as  the  chief  Sachem  of  the  Nianticks.  which  always 
made  a  part  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets. 
The  relation  in  which  the  Nianticks  stood  to  them  is 
plain,  from  the  representation  given  by  Miontunnomoh 
to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  in  1642.  In 
treating  with  that  chief  at  that  time,  gov.  Winthrop 
says,  "  Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert 
the  Nianticks,  if  we  had  just  cause  of  war  with  them. 
They  were,"  he  said,  "  as  his  own  flesh,  being  allied 
by  continual  intermarriages,  &c.  But  at  last  he  conde 
scended,  that  if  they  should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could 
not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfaction  for,  nor  himself 
could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  &c.  then  he  would 
leave  them  to  us." 

We  hear  little  of  Ninigret,  until  after  the  death  of 
Miantunnomoh.  In  1644,  the  Narragansets  and  Nian 
ticks  united  against  the  Mohegans,  and  for  some  time 
obliged  Uncos  to  confin'e  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 
"  The  English  thought  it  their  concern,"  says  Dr.  /. 
Mather,l  "  not  to  suffer  him  to  be  swallowed  up  by 
those  adversaries,  since  he  had, '(though  for  his  own 

*  So  writen,  by  Roger  Williams.     See  Jlscassassotick. 
t  Prince  says  he  was  uncle  to  Miantunnomoh,  but  that  coald 
not  have  been.    Chronology,  II.  59. 
t  Relation,  58. 

18* 


218  NINIGRET. 

ends,)  approved  himself  faithful  to  the  English  from 
time  to  time."  An  army  was  accordingly  raised  for 
the  relief  of  Uncas.  "But  as  they  were  just  marching 
out  of  Boston,  many  of  the  principal  Narraganset  Indi 
ans,  viz.  Pessecus,  Mexano,*  and  Wiiawash,  Sagamores, 
and  Awasequin,  deputy  for  the  Nianticks  ;  these  with 
a  large  train,  came  to  Boston,  suing  for  peace,  being 
willing  to  submit  to  what  terms  the  English  should 
see  cause  to  impose  upon  them.  It  was  demanded  of 
them  that  they  should  defray  the  charges  they  had  put 
the  English  to,f  and  that  the  Sachems  should  send 
their  sons  to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the 
English,  until  such  time  as  the  money  should  be  paid." 
After  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragansets 
harbored  venom  in  their  hearts  against  the  English, 
Mr.  Mather  proceeds  :  "  In  the  first  place  they  endeav 
ored  to  play  legerdemain  in  their  sending  hostages  ;  for 
instead  of  Sachem's  children,  they  thought  to  send 
some  other,  and  to  make  the  English  believe  that  those 
base  papooses,  were  of  a  royal  progeny  ;  but  they  had 
those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  be  so  eluded. 
After  the  expected  hostages  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
English,  the  Narragansets,  notwithstanding  that,  were 
slow  in  the  performance  of  what  they  stood  engaged 
for.  And  when  'upon  an  impartial  discharge  of  the 
debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  be 
came  more  backward  than  formerly,  until  they  were 
by  hostile  preparations  again  and  again  terrified  into 
better  obedience.  At  last  capt.  Mherton  of  Dorches- 

*  The  editor  of  Johnson's  Wonder-working  Providence,  in 
Col.  Mass.  His.  Soc.  makes  a  great  mistake  in  noting  this 
chief  as  Miantunnomoh. 

\  A  yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.  Manu 
script  Narrative  of  the  Rev.  T.  Cobbet,  which  places  the  affair 
in  1645. 


NINIGRET.  219 

ter,  waa  sent  with  a  small  party*  of  English  soldiers 
to  demand  what  was  due.  He  at  first  entered  into 
the  wigwam,  where  old  Ninigret  resided,  with  only 
two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees 
to  follow  him,  two  or  three  dropping  in  at  once ;  when 
his  small  company  were  come  about  him,  the  Indiana 
in  the  mean  time  supposing  that  there  had  been  many 
more  behind,  he  caught  the  Sachem  by  the  hair  of  his 
head,  and  setting  a  pistol  to  his  breast,  protesting  who- 1 
eyer  escaped  he  should  surely  die,  if  he  did  not  forth 
with  comply  with  what  was  required.  Hereupon  a 
great  trembling  and  consternation  surprised  the  In 
dians  ;  albeit,  multitudes  of  them  were  then  present, 
with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings  ready  to  let 
fly.  The  event  was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not 
one  drop  of  blood  was  shed."f  This,  it  must  be  con 
fessed,  was  a  high  handed  proceeding.  The  poor  na 
tives  were  in  the  first  place  overawed  to  promise  what 
they  were  not  able  to  perform.  How  was  it  to  be  ex 
pected  that  those  people,  who  lived  one  day  upon  what 
they  procured  the  preceding,  should  be  able  to  pay  a 
yearly  tribute  ? 

**  Some  space  after  that,  Ninigret  was  raising  new 
trouble  against  us,  amongst  his  Nianticks  and  other 
Indians  ;  but  upon  the  speedy  sending  up  of  capt. 
Davis,  with  a  party  of  horse  to  reduce  him  to  the 
former  peace,  who  upon  the  news  of  the  captain's 
approach,  was  put  into  such  a  panic  fear,  that  he  durst 
not  come  out  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the  captain, 
till  secured  of  his  life  by  him,  which  he  was,  if  ho 
quietly  yielded  to  his  message,  about  which  he  was 
sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  he  freely  consenting, 
that  storm  was  graciously  blown  over."* 

*  Twenty,  says  a  MS.  document  among  our  State  Papers, 
t  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  4to,  1677. 
\  Cobbet's  MS.  Narrative. 


220  NINIGRET. 

Like  Miantunnomoh,  Ninigrct  was  often  ordered  tor 
appear  at  Boston,  the  occasion  of  which  was  nearly 
as  often,  no  doubt,  upon  some  false  rumor  of  his  evil 
designs  against  the  English.  Being  there  in  1647, 
according  to  a  summons,  one  charge  laid  against  him 
and  his  people,  was,  that  they  had  said  that  "  nothing 
but  the  head  of  Uncas  should  satisfy  them  ;  and  that 
if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  garrison  from 
the  defence  of  Uncas,  they  would  heap  up  their  cattle 
as  high  as  their  wigwams ;  and  that  he  was  the  man 
that  had  given  out  that  an  Englishman  should  not 
step  out  of  his  doors,  [ — ]  lest  they  would  kill  him.* 
Ninigret  not  being  able  to  deny  these  charges,  and 
somewhat  appalled  thereat,  began  to  comply  with  the 
reasonable  demands  of  the  English.  A  day's  time  was 
allowed  to  him  for  consideration  and  advice  with  the 
rest  of  the  Indian  deputies  that  were  then  at  Boston." 
When  the  time  was  expired,  he  reported,  that  if  he 
might  return  home,  the  tribute  which  he  had  formerly 
agreed  to  pay,  should  be  paid  the  next  spring,  and  he 
was  permitted  to  return  to  his  country. 

In  1653,  he  passed  the  winter  among  the  Dutch  of 
New  York.  This  caused  the  English  great  suspicion, 
especially  as  they  were  enemies  to  them  at  that  time  ; 
and  several  Sagamores  who  resided  near  the  Dutch, 
had  reported  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  trying  to 
hire  them  to  cut  off  the  English.  Nothing  of  the  kind, 
however,  transpired  to  corroborate  the  rumor. 

In  1654,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island,  commu 
nicated  to  Massachusetts,  that  the  last  summer  Aijw- 
gret,  without  any  cause,  "  that  he  doth  so  much  as 
allege,  fell  upon  the  Long  Island  Indians,  our  friends 

*  This  Ninigret  had  said  to  the  English  messengers  wbo 
were  sent  to  him.  The  reason  which  he  gave  for  saying  it, 
was,  that  they  "  provoked  him."  Hazard's  Hist.  Col.  II,  79. 


NIN1GRET. 


221 


and  tributaries,"  and  killed  many  of  them,  and  took 
others  prisoners,  and  will  not  restore  them.  "  This 
summer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  them  ;  in  one 
whereof  he  killed  a  man  and  woman  that  lived  upon 
the  land  of  the  English,  and  within  one  of  their  town 
ships  ;  and  another  Indian  that  kept  the  cows  of  the 
English."  He  had  drawn  many  of  the  foreign  Indians 
down  from  Connecticut  and  Hudson  rivers,  who  ren 
dezvoused  upon  Winthrop's  Island,  where  they  killed 
some  of  his  cattle.*  This  war  began  in  1653,  and 
continued  "several  years."! 

The  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed 
blind  to  all  complaints  against  Uncos ;  but  the  Narra- 
gansets  were  watched  and  harrassed  without  ceasing. 
Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of 
those  times,  the  fact  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  of 
the  writers  of  the  history  of  that  period,  copy  from  the 
records  of  the  United  Colonies,  which  accounts  for 
their  making  out  a  good  case  for  the  English  and  Mo- 
hegans.  The  spirit  which  actuated  the  grave  com 
missioners  is  easily  discovered,  and  I  need  only  refer 
my  readers  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Desperate 
errors  require  others,  often  times,  still  more  desperate, 
until  the  first  appear  small  compared  with  the  magni 
tude  of  the  last !  It  is  all  along  discoverable  that  those 
venerable  records  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of  evi 
dence,  and  that  when  a  Narraganset  appeared  in  his 
own  defence,  so  many  of  his  enemies  stood  ready  to 
give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant  spirit  could  not 
stoop  to  contradict,  or  parley  with  them  ;  and  thus  his 
assumed  guilt  passed  on  for  history.  The  long  silen 
ced  and  borne  down  friend  of  the  Indians,  of  Moose- 
hausic,|  no  longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his  toils  and  perils, 

*  Manuscript  documents,     t  Wood's  Hist.  Long  Island, 
t  Providence. 


222  NINIGRET. 

he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in  their  defence ;  and 
though  his  letters  for  a  season  slept  with  him,  they 
are  now  daily  awaking  at  the  voice  of  day. 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into 
these  particulars,  being  entirely  engaged  in  the  cause 
of  the  praying  Indians  ;  but  yet  we  occasionally  meet 
with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence 
against  the  proceeding  of  Uncas,  and  his  friends  the 
commissioners. 

"  The  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  far  as  by  the 
best  and  most  credible  intelligence,  I  have  understood, 
presented  to  the  honored  general  court  [of  Massachu 
setts].  1.  Uncas  his  men,  at  unawares,  set  upon  an 
unarmed  poor  people,  and  slew  eight  persons',  and 
carried  captive  twenty-four,  women  and  children.  2. 
Some  of  these  were  subjects  to  Massachusetts  govern 
ment,  by  being  the  subjects  of  Josias*  3.  They  sued 
for  relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and  magistrates. 
4.  They  were  pleased  to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a 
commission  to  capt.  Denison,  [of  Stonington,]  to  de 
mand  these  captives.  5.  Uncas,  his  answer  was  (as  I 
heard,)  insolent.  6.  They  did  not  only  abuse  the  wo 
men  by  filthiness,  but  have  since  this  demand,  sold 
away  (as  I  hear)  some  or  all  of  those  captives.  7.  The 
poor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to 
do.  8.  You  were  pleased  to  tell  them,  you  would 
present  it  to  the  free  court,  and  they  should  expect 
their  answer  from  them  which  they  now  wait  for.  9. 
Nenecroft,  yea,  all  the  Indians  of  the  country  wait  to 
see  the  issue  of  this  matter."f 

This  memorial  is  dated  12th  May,  1659,  and  signed 
by  John  Eliot.  From  which  it  is  evident  there  had 
been  great  delay  in  relieving  those  distressed  by  the 

*  Grandson  of  Chickataubut.     t  Manuscript  State  Paper. 


NINIGRET.  223 

haughty  Uncas.     And  yet,  whether  he  was  caused  to 
make  remuneration  in  any  way  we  do  not  find. 

In  1660,  "the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  did  by 
their  letters  directed  to  the  commissioners  of  the  other 
colonies,  this  last  summer,  represent  an  intolerable 
affront  done  by  the  Narraganset  Indians,  and  the  same 
was  now  complained  cf  by  the  English  living  at  a 
new  plantation  at  Mohegan,  viz  :  that  some  Indians 
did  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot  eight  bullets 
into  an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same ;  wherein 
five  Englishmen  were  asleep.  Of  which  insolency  the 
Narraganset  Sachems  have  so  far  taken  notice,  as  to 
send  a  slight  excuse  by  maj.  Jltherton  that  they  did 
neither  consent  to  nor  allow  of  such  practices,  but 
make  no  tender  of  satisfaction."*  But  they  asked  the 
privilege  to  meet  the  commissioners  at  their  next  ses 
sion,  at  which  time  they  gave  them  to  understand 
that  satisfaction  should  be  made.  This  could  not  have 
been  other  than  a  reasonable  request,  but  it  was  not 
granted  ;  and  messengers  were  forthwith  ordered  to 
"  repair  to  Ninigret,  PessicuSj  Woquacanoose,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Narraganset  Sachems,"  to  demand  "  at  least 
four  of  the  chief  of  them  that  shot  into  the  English 
house."  And  in  case  they  should  not  be  delivered,  to 
demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum.  They' 
were  directed  in  particular,  to  "  charge  Ninigret  with 
breach  of  covenant,  and  high  neglect  of  their  order, 
sent  them  by  maj.  Willard,  six  years  since,  not  to 
invade  the  Long  Island  Indians  ;  and  [that  they]  do 
account  the  surprising  the  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull 
Island,  and  murdering  of  them  to  be  an  insolent  car 
riage  to  the  English,  and  a  barbarous  and  inhuman 
Act."  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  prominent 

*  Record  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 


224 


NINIGRET. 


charges,  and  five  hundred  and  ninety-five*  fathoms 
of  wampum  was  the  price  demanded  for  them  ;  and 
"  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  is  desired  and  em 
powered  to  send  a  convenient  company  of  men,  under 
some  discreet  leader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the  same 
above  said,  and  the  charges  of  recovering  the  same  ; 
and  in  case  the  persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be  sent 
to  Barbadoes,"f  and  sold  for  slaves. 

It  appears  that  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut,  could 
not  collect  the  wampum,  nor  secure  the  offenders  ; 
but  for  the  payment,  condescended  to  take  a  mortgage  of 
all  the  Narraganset  country,  with  the  provision  that  it 
should  be  void,  if  it  were  paid  in  four  months.  Qwis- 
soquus^  Neneglud,  and  Scuttup,  signed  the  deed. 

Nlnigret  did  not  engage  with  the  other  Narraganset 
chiefs,  in  Philip's  war.  Dr.  Mather^  calls  him  an  "  old 
crafty  Sachem,  who  had  with  some  of  his  men  with 
drawn  himself  from  the  rest."  He  must  at  this  time 
have  been  an  "an  old  Sachem,"  for  we  meet  with  him 
as  a  chief,  as  early  as  1632.  He  was  opposed  to 
Christianity  ;  not  perhaps  so  much  from  a  disbelief  of 
it,  as  from  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who 
professed  it.  When  Mr.  Mayhew  desired  Ninigret  to 
allow  him  to  preach  to  his  people,  the  sagacious  chief 
"bid  him  go  and  make  the  English  good  first,  and 
chid  Mr.  Maijhew  for  hindering  him  from  his  busi 
ness  and  labor."  ||  There  must  have  been  another 
Nifcntick  Sachem  of  this  name,  who  succeeded  him, 
if  the  anecdote  be  true,  related  by  the  author  of  the 
"  Memoir  of  the  Mohegans,"  published  in  the  collec 
tions  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  ;  for  he 

*  The  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  offence. 

t  Records  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

t  Passacus.    It  maybe  seen  on  file  among  our  State  Papers. 

§  Brief  History,  20. 

|j  Douglas'  Summary,  II,  118. 


NOUEL.  225 

wan  hardly  be  supposed  to  have  been  alive  in  1716. 
He  is  mentioned  by  Mason  in  his  history  of  the  Pequot 
war,  as  having  received  a  part  of  the  goods  taken  from 
capt.  Stone,  at  the  time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots, 
in  1634.  The  time  of  his  death  has  not  been  ascer 
tained. 

On  a  division  of  the  captive  Pequots,  in  1637,  JVY'ra- 
gret  was  to  have  twenty,  "when  he  should  satisfy  for 
a  mare  of  Edward  Pomroye's,  killed  by  his  men."  This 
remained  unsettled  in  1659,  a  space  of  twenty-two 
years.  This  debt  certainly  was  outlawed  !  Poquin  was 
the  name  of  the  man  who  killed  the  mare.* 

J\*O(llh-  a  distinguished  preacher  at  Nantucket,  in 
1698,  mentioned  here  to  show  that  Indians,  as  well 
as  white  people,  are  capable  of  abstaining  from  ardent 
spirits.  In  this  year  a  general  "  visitation"  of  the  pray 
ing  Indians  took  place,  by  persons  appointed  by  the 
government.  In  their  report  it  is  mentioned  that  Noah 
is  «  a  person  never  known  to  be  overtaken  with  drink, 
but  a  zealous  preacher  against  it." 

•/Votfdj  (Josiah,)  a  Christian  Indian,  murdered  by 
the  Maquas,  in  the  summer  of  1677.  He  was  brother- 
in-law  to  James  Speen,  with  whom  he  was  in  company 
in  or  near  Sudbury.  They  had  been  separated  about 
half  an  hour,  but  under  an  appointment  to  meet  again 
at  a  certain  place.  James  came  according  to  appoint 
ment,  but  could  find  nothing  of  his  friend.  Immedi 
ately  aftef?  a  Mohawk  or  Maquas  passed  through  Had- 
ley,  where  he  showed  the  scalp  of  this  man.  He  had 
with  him  some  prisoners,  squaws  and  children,  which 
the  people  of  Hadley  tried  to  ransom,  but  could  not. 
They  sent  an  armed  force  after  him,  but  it  was  too  late. 
This  murdered  man  left  a  wife  and  four  small  child 
ren.  Several  parties  of  the  Mohawks,  about  this  time, 


*  Hazard. 
19 


226  NUMPHOW. 

caused  great  trouble  and  consternation  to  the  Christian 
Indians.* 

•WMmpIlOW^  a  Wamesit,  and  one  of  their 
principal  men,  and  "  one  of  the  blood  of  their  chief 
Sachems,"  Some  account  of  the  burning  of  a  barn 
or  stack  of  hay  at  Chelmsford  is  given  under  the  head 
Hawkin's.  This  was  a  cause  of  great  sufferings  to 
them  and  doubtless  contributed  to  further  them  in  the 
present  case.  Many  of  the  Wamesits  having  been 
sent  down  to  Boston  on  suspicion  of  being  the  per 
petrators  of  that  act,  and  acquitted,  perhaps  added  to 
the  rage  of  the  English  living  at  Chelmsford,  and  fixed 
their  resolution  for  taking  revenge  for  a  barn  also 
which  appears  to  have  been  burnt  by  some  of  the  en 
emy  about  Groton.  To  this  end  about  twelve  or  fif 
teen  armed  men  under  pretence  of  scouting  for  the 
enemy,  went  to  the  wigwams  of  the  Wamesits  for  the 
purpose  of  killing  them  all.  Having  paraded  them 
selves  before  the  wigwams,  ordered  out  all  within 
them.  They  immediately  obeyed,  men  women  and 
children,  without  apprehending  what  was  their  real 
design.  Two  of  the  English,  whose  guns  were  load 
ed  with  pistol  shot,  fired  upon  them  ;  severely  wound 
ing  five  women  and  children,  and  killing  a  boy  of 
about  twelve  years  old.  Whether  the  horror  of  the 
spectacle  now  before  them,  caused  them  to  stay  the 
work,  or  whether  the  leaders  in  it  dreaded  condign 
punishment,  which  they  knew  if  justice  took  place 
they  must  suffer,  cannot  be  told,  but  no  more  violence 
was  at  this  time  offered.  When  the  authorities  of 
Massachusetts  heard  of  the  murder,  they  issued  war- 

*  MS.  of  Hon.  Daniel  Gookin. 

t  The  same  perhaps  called  Nob  Hoic,  in  History  Chelms 
ford,  who,  June  8th,  1656,  with  John  Lme,and  George  Mistic, 
on  the  part  of  the  "  Indian  court "  were  employed  to  run  the 
line  from  Chelmsford  to  Wamesit. 


NUMPHOW.          \  227 

rants  for  the  apprehension  of  Lorgin  and  Robins,  the 
two  who  fired,  who  were  forthwith  secured ;  but  who 
upon  trial  were  cleared,  to  the  amazement  of  all  judi 
cious  persons.  The  jury  pretended  want  of  clear  evi 
dence,  but  it  is  presumed  that  no  one  even  then  doubt 
ed  as  to  their  guilt,  any  more  than  of  the  juror's  fear  to 
pronounce  them  guilty. 

Immediately  after  this  massacre  they  fled  from  their 
place  of  residence  into  the  woods  towards  Pennakook. 
They  took  nothing  with  them  for  a  journey,  and  con 
sequently  their  sufferings  in  that  cold  season  must 
have  been  distressingly  severe.  No  sooner  was  it 
known  to  the  authorities,  than  messengers  were  dis 
patched  to  overtake  them  and  urge  their  return,  but  they . 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon.  And  in  the  following 
letter  gave  their  reasons.  "  I  Numphow  and  John  Line 
we  send  the  messenger  to  you  again  (Mecoposit)  with 
this  answer.  We  cannot  come  again  we  go  towards 
the  French  we  go  where  Wonnalansit  is,  the  reason 
is  we  went  away  from  our  home  we  had  help  from 
the  council  but  that  did  not  do  us  good, .  but  we  had 
wrong  by  the  English.  Secondly,  the  reason  is  we 
went  away  from  the  English  for  when  there  was  any 
harm  done  in  Chelmsford  they  laid  it  to  us  and  said 
we  did  it  but  we  know  ourselves  we  never  did  harm 
to  the  English  but  we  go  away  peaceably,  and  quietly. 
Thirdly,  as  for  the  island  we  say  there  is  no  safety  for 
us  because  many  English  be  not  good  and  may  be 
they  come  to  us  and  kill  us  as  in  the  other  case,  we 
are  not  sorry  for -what  we  leave  behind,  but  we  are 
sorry  the  English  have  driven  us  from  our  pray 
ing  to  God,  and  from  our  teacher,  we  did  begin  to  un 
derstand  a  little  of  praying  to  God,  we  thank  humbly  - 
the  council,  remember  our  love  to  Mr.  Henchman  and 
James  Richardson" 


228 


OJVKAS. 


Notwithstanding  their  determination  to  go  out  of 
hearing  of  the  English,  yet  about  the  10th  of  Decent 
ber  the  most  of  them  ventured  to  return  to  their  wig 
wams  again  at  Wamesit.  The  council  now  took 
measures  to  make  their  situation  more  easy,  and  things 
for  some  time  wore  a  more  favorable  aspect.  Clam 
ors  at  length  began  to  be  raised  against  them,  and  they 
were  all  sent  to  Deer  Island.* 

There  was  a  Sam  Numphow,  a  Natick  Christian, 
brother  to  Jonathan  George,  who  barely  escaped  the 
gallows  at  Boston,  being  among  those  who  came  in  to 
Cocheco. 

ObtatciCSt)  one  of  the  Sachems  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  when  the  Pilgrims  came  to  Plimouth,  and 
brother  of  Wassapinewat.  Some  account  of  him  will 
be  given  under  Wittuwamet. 

OcCMtn,}  (Sampson,)  a  famous  and  celebrated 
Mohegan  preacher,  was  of  the  family  of  Benoni  Ocum, 
near  New  London,  in  Connecticut.  He  was  educated 
by  Rev.  Mr.  Whetlock,  "and  the  first  Indian  preacher 
of  the  gospel  in  Great  Britain,"  which  was  about 
1765.  He  went  there  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting 
aid  in  support  of  a  school  among  his  brethren  at  Leb 
anon.  He  kept  school  for  a  time  on  Long  Island, 
and  preached  to  the  Montauks.  Many  flocked  to 
hear  him  preach  in  Boston  and  New  York.  The 
Oneida  tribe  having  given  these  Indians  a  tract  of 
land,  he  emigrated  with  many  others  to  that  country 
in  or  about  1686.  The  place  where  they  settled  was 
called  New  Stockbridge,  and  was  in  the  state  of  New 
York.  Here  the  rev.  Mr.  Occum  died  in  July,  1792, 
and  rev.  Mr.  Kirkland  preached  his  funeral  sermon. 
see  Uncos.  Sometimes  written  Okase. 


Gookin's  Manuscript  History  of  the  Praying  Indians, 


ONEKO.  ,          259 

son  of  Uncas,  chief  of  the  Mohegans. 
Although  the  Mohegans  were  opposed  to  having  any 
thing  to  do  with  Christianity,  yet  they  were  the  friends 
of  the  English,  and  rendered  important  services  in 
Philip's  war. 

Sometime  in  July,  1675,  Oneko,  with  two  other 
brothers,  ahd  about  fifty  men,  came  to  Boston,  by 
direction  of  Uncas,  and  declared  their  desire  to  assist 
the  English  against  the  Warn  pan  oogs.  A  few  English 
and  three  Naticks  were  added  to  their  .company,  and 
immediately  dispatched,  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  the 
enemy's  country.  This  circuitous  route  was  taken, 
perhaps,  that  they  might  have  their  instructions  imme 
diately  from  the  governor  of  that  colony ;  Massachu 
setts  at  that  time,  probably  supposing  the  war  might  be 
ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This  measure, 
as  it  proved,  was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view ; 
for  if  they  had  proceeded  directly  to  Seekonk,  they 
would  have  been  there  in  season  to  have  met  Philip 
and  his  warriors  in  their  flight  from  Pocasset.  And 
this  force  being  joined  with  the  other  English  forces, 
then  in  the  vicinity,  in  all  probability  might  have  finish 
ed  the  war  by  a  single  fight  with  him.  At  least,  his 
chance  of  escape  would  havre  been  small,  as  he  hnd  to 
cross  a  large  extent  of  clear  and  open  country,  where 
they  must  have  been  cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man 
to  man.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped  at  some  dis 
tance,  having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some 
time  was  lost  in  rallying.* 

They  overtook  them  about  10  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensued. 
Philip  having  brought  his  best  men  into  the  rear, 
many  of  them  were  slain  ;  among  these,  was  Nimrod, 

*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


230  OPEKANKANOUGH. 

a  great  captain  and  counsellor,  who  had  signed  the 
treaty  at  Taunton,  four  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  fight  was  suspended,  is  un 
known,  though  it  would  seem  from  some  relations  that 
it  was  owing  to  Oneko's  men,  who  seeing  themselves 
in  possession  of  considerable  plunder,  fell  to  loading 
themselve*s  with  it,  and  thus  gave  Philip  time  to- 
escape.  From  this  view  of  the-  case,  it  would  appear 
that  the  Mohegans  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  offen 
sive.  It  is  said  that  the  Naticks  urged  immediate  and 
further  pursuit,  which  did  not  take  place,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather  j  and  thus 
the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape.  He  had  a 
son  called  Mahomet. 

OontMHOgm  one  °f  tne  principal  Sagamores  of 
Wamesit,  who  died  before  1675.  His  widow  occupies 
a  considerable  space  on  the  page  of  suffering,  being 
among  the  wounded,  when  the  Christian  Indians  were 
fired  upon,  as  has  been  told  under  the  account  of 
Numphow. 

OpcJCfltlkfMlOMg'h*  a  distinguished  chief  in 
Virginia,  who  flourished  during  the  first  years  of  its 
settlement  by  the  whites.  He  was  brother  of  the  great 
Powhatan  ;  and  to  the  account  of  that  chief,  we  will 
refer  the  reader  for  much  concerning  him,  which  we 
must  defer,  as  intimately  connected  with  his  history. 
He  was  not  the  immediate  successor  of  Powhatan,  al 
though  in  some  passages  in  capt.  Smith's  history,  Jie 
is  so  called.  Opitchepan  came  first  in  the  order  of 
succession.  Opekankanough  was  Sachem  of  the  Pa- 
munkies,  and  it  was  by  his  men  that  capt.  Smith  was- 
taken,  as  related  in  the  account  of  Powhatan. 

In  1608,  the  Indians  had  become  universally  at 
variance  with  the  English,  and  insulted  them  when 
ever  they  appeared  abroad  ;  knowing  their  miserable, 


OPEKANKANOtfGH, 

half*starved  condition.  Insult  followed  insult,  upon 
both  sides,  and  but  for  the  never-tiring  perseverance 
of  Smithy  this  colony,  like  the  first,  would  have  been 
soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  would  promise  to  trade 
with  them,  but  when  they  went  to  them  for  that  pur 
pose,  they  only  "  laughed  at  their  calamities ;"  some 
times  putting  jokes  upon  them,  at  others,  running 
away  into  the  woods. 

In  this  extremity  of  their  circumstances,  though  in 
the  depth  of  winter,  Smith  resolved  to  make  himself 
master  of  some  of  the  Indians'  store  of  provisions,  by 
some  means  or  other.  He  therefore  proceeded  to  Pa- 
munkey,  the  residence  of  Opekankanough,  with  fifteen 
men,  where  he  tried  to  trade  with  him  for  corn  ;  but 
not  succeeding,  he  in  a  desperate  manner,  siezed  upon 
the  chief  by  his  hair,  in  the  midst  of  his  men,  "  with 
his  pistoll  readie  bent  against  his  breast.  Thus  he  led 
the  trembling  king,  neare  dead  with  fear,  amongst  all 
his  people."*  Smith  told  him  that  he  had  attempted 
to  murder  him,  which  was  the  cause  of  his  treating 
him  thus.  No  one  can  doubt,  on  reading  the  history 
of  those  affairs,  that  the  Indians  all  wished  Smith  dead, 
but  whether  they  all  wanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  quite 
so  plain. 

One  great  end  of  Smith's  design  was  now  answer 
ed  ;  for  Opekankanough's  people  came  in  loaded  with 
presents  to  ransom  their  chief,  until  his  boats  were 
loaded.  News  being  brought,  of  a  disaster  at  James 
town,  he  was  set  at  liberty. 

This  chief  was  never  well  pleased  with  the  English 
settling  in  his  country,  and  their  frequent  turmoils 
would  fill  a  volume. 

How  long  Opekankanough  had  been  secretly  plotting 

*  Perhaps  the  New  Englanders  followed  Smith's  example 
afterwards,  in  the  case  of  Alexander,  Ninigret,  and  others. 


232  OPEKANKANOUGH. 

to  cut  off  the  intruders  of  his  soil,  cannot  be  known  ; 
but  in  1644,  all  the  Indians,  over  a  space  of  country 
of  600  miles  in  extent,  were  leagued  in  the  enterprise. 
The  old  chief  at  this  time  was  supposed  to  be  near 
one  hundred  years  of  age,  and  though  unable  to  walk, 
would  be  present  in  the  execution  of  his  beloved  pro 
ject.  It  was  upon  the  18th  of  April,  borne  in  a  litter, 
that  he  led  his  warriors  forward,  and  commenced  the 
bloody  work.  They  began  at  the  frontiers,  with  a  de 
termination  to  slay  all  before  them,  to  the  sea.  After 
continuing  the  massacre  two  days,  in  which  time 
about  five  hundred  persons  were  murdered,  Sir  Wil 
liam  Berkeley,  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  checked 
their  progress.  The  destruction  of  the  inhabitants  was 
the  greatest  upon  York  and  Pamuriky  rivers,  where 
Opekankanough  commanded  in  person.  The  Indians 
now  in  their  turn,  were  driven  to  great  extremity,  and 
their  old  chief  was  taken  prisoner,  and  carried  in 
triumph  to  Jamestown.  How  long  after  the  massacre 
this  happened,  we  are  not  informed;  but  it  is  said 
that  the  fatigues  he  had  previously  undergone,  had 
wasted  away  his  flesh,  and  destroyed  the  elasticity  of 
his  muscles,  to  that  degree,  that  he  was  no  longer  able 
to  raise  the  eye-lids  from  his  eyes  ;  and  it  was  in  this 
forlorn  condition,  that  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies.  A  soldier  who  had  been  appointed  to  guard 
him,  barbarously  fired  upon  him,  and  inflicted  a  mor 
tal  wound.  He  was  supposed  to  have  been  prompted 
to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  the  old 
chief's  agency  in  the  massacre.  Just  before  he  ex 
pired,  hearing  a  great  bustle  and  crowd  about  him,  he 
ordered  an  attendant  to  lift  up  his  eye-lids,  when  he 
discovered  a  multitude  pressing  around,  to  gratify  the 
untimely  curiosity  of  beholding  a  dying  Sachem.  Un 
daunted  in  death,  and  roused  as  it  were,  from  sleep, 


OTASH.  233 

at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  multitude,  he  deigned 
not  to  observe  them  ;  and  raising  himself  from  the 
ground,  with  the  expiring  breath  of  authority,  com 
manded  that  the  governor  should  be  called  to  him. 
When  the  governor  came,  OpekanJcanough  said,  with 
indignation,  "Had  it  been  my  fortune  to  have  taken 
Sir  Wm.  Berkeley  prisoner,  I  would  not  meanly  have 
exposed  him  as  a  show  to  my  people  ;"  and  soon  after, 
expired. 

•  Nickotawance  succeeded  Opekankanough,  as  a  tribu 
tary  to  the  English.  In  1648,  he  came  to  Jamestown, 
with  five  other  chiefs,  and  brought  twenty  beaver  skins 
to  be  sent  to  king  Charles.  He  made  a  long  oration, 
which  he  concluded  with  the  protestation,  "  that  the 
sun  and  moon  should  first  loose  their  glorious  lights, 
and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  people  should  evermore 
hereafter  wrong  the  English." 

Offish^  a  Narraganset  chief,  and  brother  to  Mian- 
tunnomoh,  whose  name  is  conspicuous  from  his  taking 
part  with  the  English  in  the  Pequot  war  ;  and  his 
humanity  in  preventing  a  massacre  of  that  unhappy 
people'.  After  their  great  disaster,  the  Pequots,  many 
of  them,  erected  wigwams  and  dwelt  in  remote  places 
in  their  former  country,  which  was  not  allowed  by  the 
English.  Capt.  Mason,  with  forty  men,  and  Uncas, 
with  a  hundred  and  twenty  Mohegans,  were  sent  to 
"  supplant  them,  by  burning  their  wigwams,  and  bring 
away  their  corn."  Though  on  the  approach  of  the 
English  the  Pequots  fled,  but  as  an  opportunity  pre 
sented,  they  sallied  from  their  hiding-places,  about 
sixty  in  number,  and  fell  upon  the  Mohegans,  who 
"ran  and  met  them,  and  fell  on,  pell-mell,  striking  and 
cutting,  with  bows,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.,  after  their 
feeble  manner ;  indeed  it  did  hardly  deserve  the  name 
of  fighting."  When  the  Pequots  discovered  that  th* 


234  PASSACONAWAY. 

English  were  manoeuvring  to  cut  off  their  retreat, 
made  their  escape,  except  seven  of  them,  who  were 
Ninigret's  men;  "whom  we  intended  to  have  made 
shorter  by  the  head — and  being  about  to  put  it  into  ex 
ecution,  one  Otash,  a  Sachern  of  Narraganset,  brother 
to  Myantonimo,  stepping  forth,  told  the  captain  they 
were  his  brother's  men,  and  that  he  was  a  friend 
to  the  English  ;  and  if  he  Would  spare  their  lives,  we 
should  have  as  many  murtherer's  heads  in  lieu  of 
them,  which  should  be  delivered  to  the  English.  We 
considering  that  there  was  no  blood  shed  as  yet, 
and  that  it  tended  to  peace  and  mercy,  granted  his 
desire."  * 

PtMloquiHj  a  Narraganset  Sachem,  called  some 
times  by  the  early  writers^  Quenopin.  His  place  of 
residence  was  said  to  have  been  near  Philip.  In  the 
winter  of  1676,  when  the  Narragansets  were  at  such 
"  great  straits,"  from  the  loss  of  their  provisions,  in 
the  great  swamp  fight,  ("corn  being  two  shillings  a 
pint  with  them,")  the  English  tried  to  bring  about  a 
peace  with  them  ;  but  their  terms  were  too  hard,  or 
some  other  cause  prevented.  "  Canonchet  and  Pano- 
quin  said  they  would  fight  it  out,  to  the  last  man,  rath 
er  than  they  would  become  servants  to  the  English."f 
A  truly  noble  resolution,  and  well  worthy  of  the  char 
acter  we  have  of  Canonchet. 

PaSSaconaway^  the  great  Sachem  of  the 
country  upon  the  Merrimack  river,  to  the  extent  of 
whose  dominions  it  is  impossible,  at  this  distant  day, 
to  fix  bounds.  Nashua  and  Pennakook  were  included 
in  them  ;  although  there  might  have  been  many  sub 
ordinate  Sagamores  within  the  same  limits.  There 
was,  in  Philip's  war,  a  Sagamore  Sam,  of  Nashua,  and 
many  others  might  be  named,  in  different  parts. 

*  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.  t  Hubbard. 


PASSACOtfAWAY.  235 

Wonnalansit  was  his  eldest  son,  who  "succeeded 
him  about  the  year  1660.  Passaconaway  "  lived  to  a 
very  great  age  ;  for,"  says  my  manuscript,  "I  saw  him 
alive  at  Pawtucket,  when  he  was  about  a  hundred  and 
twenty  years  old."*  Before  his  death,  he  delivered 
the  following  speech  to  his  children  and  friends  :  "  I 
am  now  going  the  way  of  all  flesh,  or  ready  to  die, 
and  not  likely  to  see  you  ever  meet  together  any  more. 
I  will  now  leave  this  word  of  counsel  with  you,  that 
you  may  take  heed  how  you  quarrel  with  the  English, 
for  though  you  may  do  them  much  mischief,  yet  as 
suredly  you  will  all  be  destroyed,  and  rooted  off  the 
earth  if  you  do  ;  for,  said  he,  I  was  as  much  an  enemy 
to  the  English,  at  their  first  coming  into  these  parts, 
as  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did  try  all  ways  and  means 
possible,  to  have  destroyed  them,  at  least  to  have  pre 
vented  them  settling  down  here,  but  I  could  no  way 
effect  it ;  therefore,  I  advise  you  never  to  contend  with 
the  English,  nor  make  war  with  them."  And  Mr. 
Hubbard  adds,  «'  it  is  to  be  noted  that  this  Passaconawa 
was  the  most  mated  powow  and  sorcerer  of  all  the 
country." 

A  story  of  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Passacona- 
icay,  in  1662,  is  thus  related.  Manataqua,  Sachem  of 
Saugus,  made  known  his  wishes  to  the  chief  of  Panna- 
kook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  daughter,  which 
being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consummated, 
at  the  residence  of  Passaconaway,  and  the  hilarity  was 
closed  with  a  great  feast.  According  to  the  usages  of 
the  chiefs,  Passaconaway  ordered  a  select  number  of 
his  men  to  accompany  the  new  married  couple  to  the 
dwelling  of  the  husband.  When  they  had  arrived 
there,  several  days  of  feasting  followed,  for  the  enter 
tainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  present  at 

t  Gookin's  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


236  PAUGUS. 

the  consummation  at  the  bride's  father's,  as  well  as  for 
the  escort;  who,  when  this  was  ended  returned  to 
Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Manataqua  expressed 
a  desire  to  visit  her  father's  house  and  friends,  was 
permitted  to  go,  and  a  choice  company  conducted 
her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her 
father,  instead  of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the 
young  Sachem  to  come  and  take  her  away.  He  took 
this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this 
answer:  "  When  she  departed  from  me,  I  caused  my 
men  to  escort  her  to  your  dwelling,  as  became  a  chief. 
She  now  having  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I  did 
expect  the  same."  The  elder  Sachem  was  now  in 
his  turn  angry,  and  returned  an  answer,  which  only 
increased  the  difference  ;  and  it  is  believed  that  thus 
terminated  the  connection  of  the  new  husband  and 
wife."* 

PaSSfiqUO)  Sachem  of  Pentucket,  now  Haver- 
hill,  in  Massachusetts,  was  a  subject  of  Passaconaway. 
He  and  Saggahew,  sold  to  the  English  a  tract  of  land, 
containing  about  forty-eight  square  miles,  in  1642,  for 
£3^0$.  This  was  Haverhill. 

PdtWCfcSOI/l)  a  principal  evidence,  when  those 
suspected  of  murdering  John  Sassamon  were  tried  and 
executed.  What  we  know  of  him  is  related  in  the 
account  of  Philip. 

PttWgUS)  chief  of  the  Pequawkets,  slain  in  the 
celebrated  battle  with  the  English,  under  capt.  Love- 
well^  MI  1725.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine,  now  includes  the 
principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place 
where  the  battle  was  fought.  It  was  near  a  consider 
able  body  of  water,  called  Saco  pond,  which  is  a 
source  of  that  river.  The  cruel  and  barbarous  mur- 

*  Manuscript  documents. 


PAUGUS.  237 

ders,  almost  daily  committed  by  the  Indians  upon  the  de 
fenceless  frontier  inhabitants,  caused  the  general  court 
of  Massachusetts  to  offer  a  bounty  of  £100  for  every  In 
dian's  scalp.  Among  the  various  excursions  perform 
ed  by  Lovewell,  previous  to  that  in  which  he  was  kill 
ed,  the  most  important  was  that  to  the  head  of  Salmon- 
fall  river,  now  Wakefield,in  New  Hampshire.  With  40 
men,  he  came  upon  a  small  company  of  ten  Indians, 
who  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and  by  stationing  his 
men  advantageously,  killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody 
deed  was  performed  near  the  shore  of  a  pond,  which 
has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  LovewelPs  pond. 
After  taking  off  their  scalps,  these  forty  warriors  march 
ed  to  Boston  in  great  triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  ex 
tended  upon  hoops,  displayed  in  a  formal  manner,  and 
for  which  they  received  £1000.  This  exploit  was  the 
more  lauded,  as  it  was  supposed  that  these  ten  Indians 
were  upon  an  expedition  against  the  English  upon  the 
frontiers;  having  new  guns,  much  ammunition,  and 
spare  blankets,  and  moccasons,  to  accommodate  cap 
tives.  This  however,  was  mere  conjecture,  and  wheth 
er  they  had  killed  friends  or  enemies  was  not  quite  so 
certain  as  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Paugus  was  well  known  to  many  of 
the  English,  and  personally  to  many  of  LovewelVs  men; 
and  that  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the  frontiers.  In  a 
song,  composed  after  the  Pequawket  fight,  he  is  thus 
mentioned,  as  appearing  in  that  battle  : 

"  'Twas  Paugus  led  the  Pequ'k't  tribe; — 
As  runs  the  tox  would  Paugus  run  ; 
As  howls  the  wild  wolf,  would  he  howl, 
A  huge  bear-skin  had  Paugus  on." 

Capt.  Lovewell  marched  upon  this  expedition  against 
Paugus,  with  forty-six  men,  from  Dunstable,  about  the 
20 


238 


"" 


PATJGUS. 


middle  of  April,  1725.     Their  setting  out  is  thus  poet 
ically  set  forth  in  meter  : 

"  What  time  the  noble  Lovcwdl  came, 
With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 
The  cruel  Pequ'k't  tribe  to  tame, 
With  arms  and  blood-shed  terrible." 

They  arrived  near  the  place  where  they  expected  to 
find  Indians,  on  the  7th  of  May  ;  and  early  the  next 
morning,  while  at  prayers,  heard  a  gun,  which  they 
rightly  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  Paugus'  men, 
and  immediately  prepared  for  an  encounter.  Divesting 
themselves  of  their  packs,  marched  forward  to  discov 
er  the  enemy.  But  not  knowing  in  what  direction  to 
proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from 
the  Indians.  This  gave  Paugus  great  advantage  ;  who 
following  their  tracks,  soon  fell  in  with  their  packs, 
from  which  he  learned  their  strength.  Being  encour 
aged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Paugus  courted  the  con 
flict,  and  pursued  the  English  with  ardor.  His  num 
ber  of  men  was  said  to  have  been  eighty,  while  that 
of  the  English  consisted  of  no  more  than  thirty-four, 
having  left  ten  in  a  fort  at  Ossapee  ;  and  one,  an  In 
dian,  had  before  returned  home,  on  account  of  sick 
ness.  The  fort  at  Ossapee  was  for  a  retreat  in  case  of 
emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a  deposite  of  part  of  their 
provisions,  of  which  they  disencumbered  themselves 
before  leaving  it. 

After  marching  a  considerable  distance  from  the 
place  of  their  encampment,  on  the  morning  of  the  8th 
of  May,  ensign  Wyman  discovered  an  Indian,  who  was 
out  hunting;  having  in  one  hand,  some  fowls  he  had 
just  killed,  and  in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be 
no  probability  that  he  thought  of  meeting  an  enemy, 
but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the  English,  than 


PAUGUS. 


239 


several  guns  were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  See 
ing  that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  this  valiant  Indian  re 
solved  to  defend  himself  to  his  last  breath  ;  and  the 
action  was  as  speedy  as  the  thought,  his  gun  was 
levelled  at  the  English,  and  LoveweU  was  mortally 
wounded  by  the  fire.  Ensign  Wyman,  taking  deliber 
ate  aim,  killed  the  poor  hunter ;  which  action  our  poet 
describes  in  glowing  terms — 

"  Seth  Wyman,  who  in  Woburn  lived, 
A  marksman  he  of  courage  true, 
Shot  the  first  Indian  whom  they  saw  ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  the  bullet  flew. 

The  savage  had  been  seeking  game, 
Two  guns,  and  eke,  a  knife  he  bore, 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  his  hand  ; 
He  shrieked,  and  fell  to  rise  no  more." 

He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another;  and 
then  they  marched  again  by  the  way  they  came,  for 
their  packs.  This  was  expected  by  the  wary  Paugus, 
and  he  lay  in.ambush  to  cut  them  off.  When  they 
had  got  completely  within  the  ambush, 

"  Anon,  their  eighty  Indians  rose, 
Who'd  hid  themselves  in  ambush  dread ; 
Their  knives  they  shook,  their  guns  they  aimed, 
The  famous  Paugus  at  their  head." 

When  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  near 
ly  encircled  the  English,  but  seemed  loth  to  begin  the 
fight ;  and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes,  that  the  English, 
seeing  their  numbers,  would  yield  without  a  battle  ; 
and  therefore  made  towards  them  with  their  guns  pre 
sented,  and  threw  away  their  first  fire.  This  only 
encouraged  the  English,  and  they  rushed  toward  the 
Indians,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and  killing  many, 


240  PAUGT7S. 

drove  the  Indians  for  several  rods.  But  they  soon 
rallied  and  fired  vigorously  in  their  turn,  and  obliged 
the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  where  the  battle  began.  Lovewcll,  though 
mortally  wounded  before,  had  led  his  men  until  this 
time,  but  fell  before  the  retreat. 

"  John  Lomwell,  captain  of  the  band, 
His  sword  he  wav'd,  that  glitter'd  bright, 
For  the  last  time  he  cheer'd  his  men, 
And  led  them  onward  to  the  fight. 

'  Fight  on,  fight  on,'  brave  Lovewell  said  ; 
*  Fight  on,  while  heaven  shall  give  you  breath  !T 
An  Indian  ball  then  pierc'd  him  through, 
And  Loveicell  clos'd  his  eyes  in  death." 

Being  near  the  shore  of  Saco  pond,  the  English 
made  good  their  retreat  to  it,  which  prevented  their 
being  surrounded  ;  and  but  for  this  motion,  none  could 
possibly  have  escaped.  The  bank  of  the  pond  afford 
ed  a  kind  of  breast-work,*  behind  which  the  English 
maintained  the  fight  until  night.  The  Indians  drew 
off  about  dark,  and  they  saw  no  more  of  them.  Nine 
only  of  the  English  escaped  unhurt,  though  several 
that  were  wounded  lived  to  return  home.  Paugus 
was  killed  by  one  John  Chamberlain,  and  is  thus  men 
tioned  by  the  poet : 

"  But  Chamberlain,  of  Dunstable, 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay, 
Met  Paugus  by  the  water-side, 
And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  day." 

A  son  of  Paugus,  after  peace  was  restored,  came  to 
Dunstable  to  revenge  his  father's  death  by  killing 

*  Penhallow's  Indian  Wars,  113. 


PAUGUS.  241 

Chamberlain  ;  but  not  going  directly  to  him,  his  design 
was  mistrusted  and  communicated  to  him,  and  he  kept 
himself  upon  guard,  and  had  a  hole  cut  through  the 
door  of  his  house,  from  which  early  one  morning  he 
discovered  an  Indian  behind  a  pile  of  wood,  with  his 
gun  pointed  towards  the  door,  to  shoot  Chamberlain,  it 
was  supposed,  as  he  came  out ;  but  making  use  of  his 
advantage,  fired  upon  and  killed  this  son  of  Paugus. 

The  English  chaplain,  Jonathan  Frye,  was  mortally 
wounded  during  the  battle. 

"  A  man  was  he  of  comely  form, 
Polish'd  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind. 
Old  Harvard's  learned  halls  he  left, 
Far  in  the  wilds  a  grave  to  find." 

He  Was  of  Andover,  in  Massachusetts,  and  had  b»t 
a  short  time  before,  graduated  at  Harvard  College. 

"  Lieutenant  Farwell  took  his  hand, 
His  arm  around  his  neck  he  threw, 
And  said,  '  brave  chaplain,  I  could  wish 
That  heaven  had  made  me  die  for  you.' 

The  chaplain  on  kind  FarweWs  breast, 
Bloody,  and  languishing,  he  fell ; 
Nor  after  that,  said  more  but  this, 
'I  love  thee,  soldier,  fare  thee  well !'  " 

If  miracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we 
should  be  induced  to  pass  to  their  credit  the  extraor 
dinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded  Englishmen. 
Solomon  Keyes,  having  received  three  wounds,  said  he 
would  hide  himself,  and  die  in  a  secret  place,  where 
the  Indians  could  not  find  him  to  get  his  scalp.  As 
he  crawled  upon  the  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some  dis 
tance  from  the  scene  of  action,  he  found  a  canoe,  into 
which  he  rolled  himself,  and  was  drifted  away  by  the 


242 


PAUGUS. 


-wind.  To  his  great  astonishment,  he  was  cast  ashore 
at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  at  Ossapee,  to  which 
he  crawled,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions ; 
and  gaining  strength,  returned  home  with  them.. 

Those  who  escaped  did  not  leave  the  battle  ground 
until  near  midnight.  When  they  arrived  at  the  fort, 
they  expected  to  have  found  refreshment,  and  those 
they  had  left  as  a  reserve  ;  but  a  fellow  whose  name 
is  not  mentioned,  who  deserted  the  rest  when  the  bat 
tle  began,  so  frightened  them  that  they  fled  in  great 
confusion  and  dismay,  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place,  was  fifty 
miles  from  any  white  inhabitants  ;  and  that  any  should 
have  survived  the  famine  which  now  stared  them  in 
the  face,  is  almost  as  miraculous,  as  that  they  should 
have  escaped  death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageous 
warriors  of  Paugus ;  yet  fourteen  lived  to  return  to 
their  friends. 

Fifty  men  from  New  Hampshire,  afterwards  march 
ed  to  the  scene  of  action,  where  they  found  and  buried 
the  dead.  They  found  but  three  Indians,  one  of  whom 
was  Paugus.  The  rest  were  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  from  the  battle.*  We 
will  let  the  poet  close  the  account. 

"  Ah  !  many  a  wife  shall  rend  her  hair, 
And  many  a  child  cry, '  woe  is  me,' 
When  messengers,  the  news  shall  bear, 
Of  LovcweWs  dear  bought  victory. 

With  footsteps  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  LovewelVs  pond  shines  clear  and  bright, 

*  For  the  principal  facts  in  this  account,  we  are  indebted  to 
Symmes'  narrative  of  the  fight,  published  the  same  year  in 
which  it  happened,  and  lately  republished  in  Farmer  and 
Moore  s  Historical  Collections,  Vol.  I.  The  poetry  is  from 
Vol.  Ill,  of  the  same  work. 


PESSACUS.  243 

And  mark  the  place,  where  those  are  laid, 
Who  fell  in  LovewelVs  bloody  fight. 

Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  and  say, 
Sad  was  the  hour,  and  terrible, 
When  Lovcwell)  brave,  'gainst  Paugus  went, 
With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable." 


t)  a  chief  who  dwelt  near  Plimouth,  in 
1620  ;  conspicuous  for  his  connection  in  the  conspi 
racy,  as  the  English  termed  it,  against  them.  And 
mentioned  in  the  account  of  Massasoit,  who  discover 
ed  it  to  Hobomok,  whom  he  instructed  to  communicate 
it  to  the  English.  If  he  were  a  "barbarian,"  he  was 
certainly  barbarously  murdered  by  captain  Standish, 
in  1623,  as  we  shall  show  in  the  life  of  WittuwamKt^ 
which  see. 

PCSSGLCUS)  a  chief  of  the  Narragansets*  after 
the  death  of  his  brother,  Miantunnomoh.  He  was  born 
about  1623,  and  consequently  was  about  twenty  years 
old  when  his  brother  was  killed,  f  The  same  arbitra 
ry  course  was  pursued  towards  him  by  the  English,  as 
had  been  towards  the  unfortunate  Miantunnomoh.  The 
same  year,  1643,  to  secure  peace,  he  sent  valuable 
presents  to  Boston,  but  the  government  treated  him 
with  haughtiness,  and  distrusted  all  his  pacific  preten 
sions  ;  especially  as  he  requested  that  they  would  not 
interfere  between  him  and  Uncas,  with  whom  he  was 
determined  to  make  war,  in  revenge  of  his  brother's 
death. 

The  turmoils  involving  the  Narragansets,  Mohegans 
and  English,  are  related  under  Miantunnomoh,  Nini- 

*  He  was  called  Sachem  of  the  Nianticks  before  the  Pe- 
quot  war,  and  from  a  love  of  the  English,  told  his  people  he 
was  resolved  to  give  his  country  to  the  son  of  gov.  Winthrop, 
of  Connecticut.—  Hazard. 

t  MS.  Letter,  subscribed  with  the  mark  of  Pumham. 


m 


244  PESSACUS. 

gret,  Janemoh,  and  others,  in  which  Pessacus  was  often 
a  prominent  character.  Mr.  Cobbet*  makes  this  record 
of  him  :  "  In  the  year  1645,  proud  Pessacus  with  his 
Narragansets,  with  whom  Ninigret  and  his  Niantigs 
join  ;  so  as  to  provoke  the  English  to  a  just  war  against 
them.  And  accordingly  forces  were  sent  from  all  the 
towns  to  meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so,  and  had  a  party 
of  fifty  horse  to  go  with  them  under  Mr.  Leveret,  as  the 
captain  of  the  horse."  Edward  Gibbons  was  command 
er  in  chief,  and  Mr.  Thompson,  pastor  of  the  church 
in  Brantree,  "  was  to  sound  the  silver  trumpet  along 
with  his  army."f  But  they  were  met  by  deputies  from 
Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  an  accommodation 
took  place,  as  mentioned  in  the  account  of  JVinigret. 
In  1 647,  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies 
were  called  together  before  their  usual  time,  occasion 
ed  by  a  report  that  the  Narragansets  were  about  to  be 
gin  hostilities.  They  dispatched  messengers  to  him 
"  and  other  Sachems  there,  that  the  English  commis 
sioners  expected  their  appearance  at  Boston,  and  that 
if  they  did  refuse  or  delay,  they  should  no  more  be 
sent  unto."  Pessacus  excused  himself  for  not  meeting 
them  the  year  before,  from  mistaking  the  time,  and 
that  he  could  not  go  to  Boston  now,  as  he  was  sick ; 
yet  the  messengers  could  not  discover  "  any  such  dis 
ablement."  He  however  gave  JVinigret  power  to  act 
for  him. 

To  avoid  hostilities  from  his  English  enemies  in 
1645,  before  remarked,  he  had  agreed  to  pay  a  large 
amount  in  wampum,  which  had  not  been  paid.  He 
urged  in  extenuation  of  this  neglect,  that  he  was  awed 
into  a  compliance  of  their  demand  by  the  presence  of 
the  army  "  which  was  then  ready  to  invade  the  Narra- 
ganset  country,  and  he  thought  they  \tould  follow  him 

*  MS.  Narrative.         \  Mather's  Relation,  and  Hazard. 


PHILIP.  245 

home,  and  there  kill  him  if  he  did  not  promise  to  do 
as  the  English  would  have  him."*  These  are  among 
the  last  notices  we  find  of  "  Proud  Pessacus."  His 
time  for  the  payment  of  the  tribute  was  extended,  and 
the  next  year  he  is  mentioned  as  being  "  behind  near 
a  1000  fathom  of  wampum."  There  were  some  mil 
itary  movements  of  the  English  this  year,  1648,  to 
wards  his  country,  occasioned  b£  the  nonpayment  of 
the  tribute,  and  some  other  less  important  matters. 
Pessacus  having  knowledge  of  their  approach  fled  to 
R.  Island.  "Ninicraft  entertained  them  courteously, 
(there  they  staid  the  Lord's  day,)  and  came  back  with 
them  to  Mr.  Williams^  and  then  Pessacus  and  Canon- 
icus*  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them ; 
and  being  demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks 
against  Uncas,  they  solemnly  denied  it ;  only  they  con 
fessed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a  great  Sachem,  and 
their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them, 
they  sent  some  20  fathom  of  wampum  for  him  to  tread 
upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians  is."f  The  matter 
seems  to  have  Vested  here  ;  Pessacus  having  as  usual 
promised  what  was  desired.  His  mortgaging  his  coun 
try,  as  related  in  the  account  of  Ninigret,  in  1660,  is 
our  last  notice  of  him.  He  seems  to  have  possessed  a 
character  much  like  that  of  Ninigret,  and  greatly  in 
ferior  to  that  of  Miantunnomoh,  Canonchet  and  Pumham. 
Philip^  alias  Metacomet,  of  Pokanoket,  chief  of 
the  Wampanoags,  was  second  son  of  Massasoit,  and 
the  immediate  successor  of  Alexander,  in  1662,  as  has 
been  already  mentioned.  Whether  the  conduct  of  the 
people  of  Plimouth  towards  Alexander  made  them  sus 
picious  of  Philip,  as  it  had  befqre  of  Miantunnomoh, 
or  whether  he  were  in  reality  "  contriving  mischief," 
the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  Sachem,  remains 

*  Ibid.         t  Winthrop's  Journal. 


246 


PHILIP. 


a  problem.  But  the  year  1662  is  the  first  in  which 
we  find  him  mentioned  as  chief,  and  what  were  his 
acts  previous  to  that  period,  must,  in  all  probability,  re 
main  forever  unknown.  "  He  was  no  sooner  styled 
Sachem,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,*  "  but  immediately  in  the 
year  1662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of  his 
bloody  treachery  against  the  English."  This  author 
wrote  at  the  close  offhilip's  war,  when  very  few  could 
speak  of  Indians,  but  with  bitterness.  Mr.  Morton^  is 
the  first  who  mentions  Mdacomet,  (for  this  was  his  In 
dian  name,)  which  being  before  any  difficulty  with  him, 
is  noticed  in  a  more  becoming  way.  "  This  year,"  he 
observes,  "  upon  occasion  of  some  suspicion  of  some 
plot  intended  by  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Phil 
ip,  the  Sachem  of  Pokanoket,  otherwise  called  Metacom, 
made  his  appearance  at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth, 
August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that 
amity  and  friendship  that  hath  formerly  been  between 
the  governor  of  Plimouth  and  his  deceased  father  and 
brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his 
friends,  he  signed  articles,  subjecting  himself  to  the 
King  of  England.  To  that  instrument  Francis,  of  Nau- 
set,  was  also  a  subscriber,  and  John  Sassamon  a  witness. 
For  about  nine  years,  succeeding  1662,  very  little  is 
recorded  concerning  Philip.  During  this  time  he  be 
came  more  intimately  acquainted  with  his  English 
neighbors,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own 
strength,  which  rather  increased  than  diminished,  un 
til  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For  during  this  period,  not 
only  their  additional  numbers  g»ained  them  strength, 
but  their  arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  En 
glish  instruments  of  war  put  into  their  hands.  Roger 
Williams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets  into 
*  Relation,  72.  t  In  his  N.  England's  Memorial, 


PHILIP.  247 

friendship  with  Massasoit,  which  alliance  gained  ad 
ditional  strength  on  the  accession  of  the  young  Meta- 
comtt.  And  here  we  may  look  for  a  main  cause  of 
that  war,  although  the  death  of  Alexander  is  generally 
looked  upon  by  the  early  historians,  as  almost  the  only 
one.  The  continual  broils  between  the  English  and 
Narftgansets,  (we  name  the  English  first,  as  they  were 
generally  the  aggressors,)  could  not  be  unknown  to 
Philip  ;  and  if  his  countrymen  were  abused  he  knew 
it.  And,  what  friend  will  see  another  abused,  without 
feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in  his  breast  ?  And  who 
will  wonder,  if  when  these  abuses  had  followed  each 
other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for  a  series  of  years, 
that  they  should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war.  The 
Narraganset  chiefs  were  not  conspicuous  at  the  period 
of  which  we  speak ;  there  were  several  of  them,  but 
none  appears  to  have  had  a  general  command  or  as 
cendency  over  the  rest ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt 
but  that  they  unanimously  reposed  their  cause  in  the 
hands  of  Philip.  Ninigret  was  at  this  time  grown 
old,  and  though  for  a  series  of  years  after  the  murder 
of  Miantunnomoh,  he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  as 
cendency,  yet  pusilanimity,  was  always  rather  a  pre 
dominant  trait  in  his  character.  His  age  had  probably 
caused  his  withdrawal  from  the  others,  on  their  resolu 
tion  to  second  Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  this  period 
the  most  conspicuous,  Pumham  next,  Potok,  Magnus, 
the  squaw  Sachem,  whose  husband*  had  been  dead 
several  years,  and  lastly  Matttfoag. 

What  grounds  the  English  had  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  1671,  for  suspecting  that  a  plot  was  going  for 
ward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satisfactorily  be  as- 

*  Mexam,  the  son  of  Canonicus.  In  several  manuscripts  in 
my  possession,  written  by  Roger  Williams,  his  name  is  verj 
variously  spelt.  See  Art.  Magnus. 


248  PHILIP. 

certained ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  there  were 
some  warlike  preparations  made  by  the  great  chief, 
which  very  much  alarmed  the  English.  Their  sus 
picions  were  farther  confirmed  when  they  sent  to  him  to 
come  to  Taunton  and  make  known  his  causes  for  his 
operations  ;  as  he  discovered  "  shyness,"  and  a  reluct 
ance  to  comply.  At  length  on  the  ]  Oth  of  April,  this 
year,  he  came  to  a  place  about  four  miles  from  Taun 
ton,  accompanied  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  attired, 
armed  and  painted  as  for  a  warlike  expedition.  From 
this  place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton  to  invite  the 
English  to  corne  and  treat  with  him.  The  governor 
either  was  afraid  to  meet 'the  chief,  or  thought  it  be 
neath  his  dignity  to  comply  with  his  request,  and  there 
fore  sent  several  person^,  among  whom  was  Roger 
Williams,  to  inform  him  of  their  determination,  and 
their  good  disposition  towards  him,  and  to  urge  his  at 
tendance  at  Taunton.  He  agreed  to  go,  and  hostages 
were  left  in  the  hands  of  his  warriors  to  warrant  his 
safe  return.  On  coming  near  the  village  with  a  few  of 
his  warriors,  he  made  a  stop,  which  appears  to  have 
been  occasioned  by  the  warlike  parade  of  the  English, 
many  of  whom  were  for  immediately  attacking  him. 
These  were  the  Plimouth  people  that  recommended 
this  rashness,  and  were  prevented  by  the  commission 
ers  from  Massachusetts,  who  met  here  with  the  gover 
nor  of  Plimouth  to  confer  with  Philip. 

In  the  end  it  was  agreed  that  a  council  should  be 
held  in  the  meeting  hou|e,  one  side  of  which  should 
be  occupied  by  the  Indians  and  the  other  by  the  En 
glish.  Philip  had  alledged  that  the  English  injured 
the  planted  lands  of  his  people,  but  which,  the  En 
glish  say,  was  in  no  wise  sustained.  He  said  his  war 
like  preparations  were  not.  against  the  English,  but  the 
Narragansets,  which  the  English  also  say  was  proved 


PHILIP.  249 

to  his  face  to  be  false  ;  and  that  this  so  confounded  him 
that  he  confessed  the  whole  plot,  and  "  that  it  was  the 
naughtiness  of  his  own  heart  that  put  him  upon  that 
rebellion,  and  nothing  of  any  provocation  from  the 
English."*  Therefore,  with  four  of  his  counsellors, 
whose  names  were  Tavoser,  capt.  Wispoke,  Woorikap- 
onehunt,  and  Nimrod,  he  signed  a  submission,  and  act 
engagement  of  friendship,  which  also  stipulated  that  he 
should  give  up  all  the  arms  among  his  people,  into  the 
hands  of  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  to  be  kept  as  long 
as  the  government  should  "  see  reason." 

The  English  of  Massachusetts  having  acted  as  um 
pires  in  this  affair,  were  looked  to  by  both  parties,  on 
the  next  cause  of  complaint.  Philip  having  delivered 
the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  them  at 
Taunton,f  promised  to  deliver  the  rest  at  Plimouth  by 
a  certain  time.  They  not  being  delivered  according  to 
agreement,  and  some  other  differences  occurring,  both 
parties  sent  messengers  to  Boston,  who  met  there  at 
the  same  time,!  to  make  their  complaints.  It  was 
agreed  that  commissioners  from  all  the  United  Colo 
nies  should  meet  Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  all  difficul 
ties  were  expected  to  be  settled.  What  time  this 
meeting  took  place,  whether  the  same  year  or  not,  we 
are  .unable  to  state,  though  probably  about  September, 
1671,  but  the  parties  met  according  to  agreement, 
where  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very  nearly  the 
same  as  that  at  Taunton.  "The  conclusion  was," 
says  Mr.  Mather,:):  «  Philip  acknowledged  his  offence, 
and  was  appointed  to  give  a  sum  of  money  to  defray 
the  charges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  col 
ony  unto." 

*  Hubbard,  Indian  Wars,  11, 1st  edition. 
f  Mather's  Relation,  73. 
\  Baylies'  N.  Plimouth,  iii,  22, 
21 


250  PHILIP. 

*• 

As  usual,  several  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  En 
glish,  of  what  Philip  was  to  submit  to,  to  which  we 
find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his  captains  or  coun 
sellors,  Uncompaen,  who  was  his  uncle,*  Wotokom,  and 
Samkama. 

A  general  disarming  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was 
undertaken  during  the  spring  and  summer  of  1671,  as 
has  been  mentioned  in  our  history  of  Awashonks,  and 
nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been  expected  to  fol 
low.  The  English  had,  by  nearly  forty  years  inter 
course,  rendered  their  arms  far  more  necessary  to  the 
existence  of  the  Indians  than  to  their  own,  and  many 
depended  upon  nothing  else  whereby  to  gain  a  suste 
nance  ;  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part  with  them. 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  until  the  death 
of  Sassamon,  in  1674,  the  occasion  of  which  was 
charged  upon  Philip,  and  waff  the  cause  of  bringing 
about  the  war  with  him  a  year  sooner  than  he  had  ex 
pected.  This  event  prematurely  discovered  his  inten 
tions,  which  occasioned  the  partial  recantation  of  the 
Narragansets,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  furnish 
4000  men,  to  be  ready  to  fall  upon  the  English  in 
1676.  Concert  therefore  was  wanting,  and  although 
nearly  all  the  Narragansets  ultimately  joined  against 
the  English,  yet  the  powerful  effect  of  a  general  simul 
taneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians.  Philip's 
own  people,  many  of  them  were  so  disconcerted  at 
the  unexpected  beginning  of  the  war,  that  they  continu 
ed  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to  show 
themselves  in  favor  of,  and  it  was  only  from  their  be 
ing  without  the  vicinity  of  the  English,  or  unprotected 
by  them,  that  determined  their  course,  which  was  in 
almost  all  cases  in  favor  of  Philip.  Even  the  Praying 
Indians,  had  they  been  leftx  to  themselves,  would  no 
*  Called  by  Church,  Mkompoin. 


PHILIP. 


251 


doubt,  many  of  them  have  declared  in  his  favor  also, 
as  some  of  them  did. 

John  Sassamon  was  a  subject  of  Philip,  an  unstable 
minded  fellow  ;  and  living  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the 
English,  became  a  convert  to  Christianity,  learned  their 
language,  and  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had 
translated  some  of  the  bible  into  Indian.  Being  rath 
er  insinuating  and  artful,  was  employed  to  teach  his 
countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  capacity  of  a  schoolmas 
ter.  How  long  before  the  war  this  was,  is  not  men 
tioned,  but  must  have  been  about  1660,  as  he  was 
Philip's  secretary,  or  interpreter,  in  1662,  and  this  was 
after  he  had  became  a  Christian.  He  left  the  English 
from  some  dislike,  and  went  to  reside  with  Alexander, 
and  afterwards  with  Philip,  who  it  appears  improved 
him  on  account  of  his  learning.  Always  restless,  Sas 
samon  did  not  remain  long  with  Philip,  before  he  re 
turned  again  to  the  English  ;  "  and  he  manifested  such 
evident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his 
return  from  Pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  Praying 
Indians  and  baptized,  and  received  as  a  member  into 
one  of  the  Indian  churches ;  yea,  and  employed  as  an 
instructor  amongst  them  every  Lord's  day."f 

Just  before  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  summer  of 
1674,  Sassamon  was  sent  to  preach  to  the  Nemaskets,j 
a  small  community  of  Philip's  people  upon  Tehticut 
river,  which  is  now  included  in  Middleborough,  Mas 
sachusetts.  While  here  he  learned  that  the  Wampa- 
noags,  Narragansets,  and  some  others  were  conspiring 
to  destroy  the  English,  and  immediately  communicat 
ed  his  discovery  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth.  "Nev- 

*  -';This  Sassamon  was  by  birth  a  Massachusett,  his  father 
and  mother  living  in  Dorchester,  and  they  both  died  Chris- 
tians." — I.  Mather. 

t  Mather's  Relation,  74. 

t  The  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Namashet. 


252  PHILIP. 

ertheless,  his  information,  (because  it  had  an  Indian 
original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when  they 
do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  first  much  regarded."* 

In  the  mean  time  some  circumstances  happened  that 
gave  further  grounds  of  suspicion,  and  it  was  intended 
that  messengers  should  be  sent  to  Philip,  to  gain,  if 
possible,  the  real  state  of  the  case.  But  before  this 
was  effected,  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had  passed 
away,  and  the  rev.  Sassamon  still  resided  with  the  Na- 
maskets,  and  others  of  his  countrymen  in  that  neigh 
borhood.  And  notwithstanding  he  had  enjoined  the 
strictest  secrecy  upon  his  English  friends  at  Plimouth, 
of  what  he  had  revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came 
to  Philip's  knowledge  he  should  be  immediately  mur 
dered  by  him,  yet,  it  by  some  means  got  to  the  chief's 
knowledge,  and  Sassamon  was  considered  a  traitor  and 
an  outlaw ;  and  by  the  laws  of  the  Indians,  he  had 
forfeited  his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  The 
manner  of  effecting  it  was  of  no  consequence  with 
them  so  long  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is  proba 
ble  that  Philip  had  ordered  any  of  his  subjects  who 
might  meet  with  him,  to  kill  him. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Sassamon  was  missing, 
and  on  search  being  made,  his  body  was  found  in  As- 
sawomset  pond,  in  Middleborough.  Those  that  killed 
him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  left  his  hat 
and  gun  upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  supposed  that 
he  had  drowned  himself;  but  from  several  marks  upon 
his  body,  and  the  fact  that  his  neck  was  broken,  it  was 
evident  he  had  been  murdered.f  Several  persons 


*  Mather's  Relation,  74. 

t  Gookin's  MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author 
says  "  Sasamon  was  the  first  Christian  Martyr,"  and  that "  it 
is  evident  he  suffered  death  upon  the  account  of  his  Christian 
profession,  and  fidelity  to  the  English.'' 


PHILIP.  253 

were  suspected,  and  upon  the  information  of  one  called 
Patuckson,  Tobias,  one  of  Philip's  counsellors,  his  son, 
and  Mattashinnamy  were  apprehended,  tried  by  a  jury, 
consisting  of  half  Indians,*  and  in  June,  1675,  were 
all  executed  at  Plimouth.  "  One  of  them  before  his 
execution  confessing  the  .murder,"  but  the  other  two 
denied  all  knowledge  of  the  act,  to  their  last  breath. 
The  truth  of  their  guilt  may  reasonably  be  called  in 
question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the  bleeding  of  the 
dead  body  at  the  approach  of  the  murderer,  had  any 
influence  upon  the  jury.  And  we  are  fearful  it  was 
the  case,  for  if  the  most  learned  were  misled  by  such 
hallucinations  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose 
that  the  more  ignorant  were  free  from  it.  Dr.  Increase 
Mather  wrote  within  two  years  of  the  affair,  and  he  has 
this  passage.  "  When  Tobias  (the  suspected  murder 
er)  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresh, 
as  if  it  had  been  newly  slain  ;  albeit,  it  was  buried  a 
considerable  time  before  that."f 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed 
to  be  the  murderers  of  Sassamon,  no  hostility  was 
committed  by  Philip  or  his  warriors.  About  the  time 
of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marching  his  men  "up 
and  down  the  country  in  arms,"  but  when  it  was 
known  that  they  were  executed,  he  could  no  longer  re 
strain  his  young  men,  who  upon  the  24th  of  June, 
provoked  the  people  of  Swanzey  by  killing  their  cat 
tle  and  other  injuries,  until  they  were  fired  upon,  which 
was  a  signal  to  commence  the  war,  and  what  they  had 
desired.  For  the  superstitious  notion  prevailed  among 
the  Indians,  that  the  party  who  fired  the  first  gun 
would  be  conquered.]:  They  had  probably  been  made 
to  believe  this  by  the  English. 

*  Mather's  Relation,  74.         t  Ibid.  75. 
t  Callendar. 


254  PHILIP. 

It  was  upon  a  fast  day  that  this  great  drama  was 
opened.  As  the  people  were  returning  from  meeting, 
&ey  were  fired  upon,  by  the  Indians,  one  was  killed 
and  two  wounded.  Two  others  going  for  a  surgeon, 
were  killed  on  their  way.  In  another  part  of  the  town 
six  others  were  killed  the  same  day.  Swanzey  was 
the  next  town  to  Philip's  country,  and  his  men  were 
as  well  acquainted  with  all  the  walks  of  the  English  as 
they  were  themselves.  ' 

It  is  not  supposed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack, 
but  on  the  other  hand  it  has  been  said  that  it  was 
against  his  wishes.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his 
hostility  and  great  desire  to  rid  his  country  of  the  white 
intruders ;  for  had  he  not  reason  to  say  ? 

•'  Exarsere  ignes  animo;^ubit  ira,  cadentem 
Ulcisci  patriam,  etsceleratas  sumere  poenas." 

The  die  was  cast.  No  other  alternative  appeared, 
but  to  ravage,  burn  and  destroy  as  fast  as  was  in  his 
power.  There  had  been  no  war  for  a  long  time,  either 
among  themselves  or  with  the  English,  and  therefore, 
numerous  young  warriors  from  the  neighboring  tribes, 
entered  into  his  cause  with  great  ardor  ;  eager  to  per 
form  exploits,  such  as  had  been  recounted  to  them  by 
their  sires,  and  such  as  they  had  long  waited  an  oppor 
tunity  to  engage  in.  The  time  they  conceived  had 
now  arrived,  and  their  souls  expanded  in  proportion  to 
the  greatness  of  the  undertaking.  To  conquer  the 
English!  to  lead  captive  their  haughty  lords!  must 
have  been  thoughts  to  them  of  vast  magnitude,  and 
exhilarating  to  a  great  degree. 

Town  after  town  fell  before  them,  and  when  the  En 
glish  forces  marched  in  one  direction,  they  were  burn 
ing  and  laying  waste  in  another.  A  part  of  Taunton, 
Middleborough  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Po- 


PHILIP.  255 

casset,  upon  Narraganset  bay,  soon  followed  the  de 
struction  of  Swanzey,  which  was  burnt  immediately 
after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the 
inhabitants. 

Philip  commanded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  where 
upon  the  18th  of  July,  he  was  discovered  in  a  "dismal 
swamp."  He  had  retired  to  this  place,  which  is  adja 
cent  to  Taunton  river,  with  the  most  of  his  Wampano- 
ags,  and  such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  fall 
ing  in  with  the  English  army,  which  was  now  pursu 
ing  him.  From  their  numbers,  the  English  were  near 
ly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fate  of  Phil 
ip  they  now  thought  sealed.  On  arriving  at  the  edge 
•  of  the  swamp,  a  few  of  Philip's  warriors  shoWed 
themselves,  and  the  English  soldiers  rushed  upon  them 
with  ardor,  and  by  this  feint  were  drawn  far  into  an 
ambush,  and  "  about  fifteen  were  slain."  The  leaves 
upon  the  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of  the  day 
so  late,  that  a  friend  could  not  be  distinguished  from  a 
foe,  "  whereby  'tis  verily  feared,  that  [the  English 
themselves]  did  sometimes  unhappily  shoot  English 
men  instead  of  Indians."*  A  retreat  now  was  order 
ed,  and  considering  Philip's  escape  impossible,  the 
most  of  the  forces  left  the  place,  a  few  only  remaining, 
"  to  starve  out  the  enemy."  That  Philip's  force  was 
great  at  this  time  is  certain,  from  the  fact  that  a  hun 
dred  wigwams  were  found  near  the  edge  of  the 
swamp  newly  constructed  of  green  bark.  In  one  of 
those  the  English  found  an  old  man  who  informed 
them  that  Philip  was  there.  He  lost  but  few  men  in 
the  encounter,  though  it  is  said,  that  he  had  a  brother 
killed  at  this  time,  "a  privy  counsellor  and  chief  cap 
tain,  who  had  been  educated  at  Harvard  College."! 

*  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  War.  5. 

t  In  a  Note  to  Hutchinson's  Hist.  I,  291. 


256  PHILIP. 

The  idle  notion  of  building  a  fort  here  to  starve  out 
Philip,  was  sufficiently  censured  by  the  historians  of 
that  day.  For  as  capt.  Church  expresses  it,  to  build  a 
fort  for  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nobody*  was 
rather  a  ridiculous  idea.  This  observation  he  made 
upon  a  fort's  being  built  upon  Mount  Hope  neck,  some 
time  after  every  Indian  had  left  that  side  of  the  coun 
try,  and  who  in  fact  were  laying  waste  the  towns  be 
fore  mentioned. 

The  swamp  where  Philip  was  now  confined  was 
upon  a  piece  of  country  which  projected  into  Taunton 
river,  and  was  nearly  seven  miles  in  extent.  After 
being  guarded  here  thirteen  days,  which  in  the  end 
was  greatly  to  his  advantage,  and  afforded  him  suffi 
cient  time,  to  provide  canoes  in  which  to  make  his 
escape  ;  he  passed  the  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and 
made  good  his  retreat  into  the  country  upon  Connec 
ticut  river,  as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  our  account 
of  Oneko. 

Having  now  taken  a  position  to  annoy  the  back  set 
tlements  of  Massachusetts,  his  warriors  fell  vigorously 
to  the  work ;  one  town  after  another,  and  one  compa 
ny  of  soldiers  after  another  were  swept  off  by  them. 
A  garrison  being  established  at  Northfield,  capt.  Rich 
ard  Beers,  of  Watertown,*  with  36  men,  were  attacked 
while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  them,  and  20  of  the 
36  were  killed.  Robert  Pepper,  of  Roxbury,  was  taken 
captive,  and  the  others  effected  their  escape.  Philip's 
men  had  the  advantage  of  attacking  them  in  a  place 
of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first  fire  was  very 
destructive.  Beers  retreated  to  a  small  eminence, 
and  maintained  the  unequal  fight  until  their  ammu 
nition  was  spent,  at  which  time  a  cart  containing  am- 

*  Hist.  Philip's  War,  p.  6,  ed.  4to. 
t  Manuscript  Documents. 


PHILIP.  257 

munition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight. 
The  hill  to  which  the  English  retreated  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  fight,  was  known  afterwards  by  the  name 
of  Beers  mountain. 

About  this  time  some  English  found  a  single  Indian, 
an  old  man,  near  Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As 
he  would  not  give  them  any  information  respecting  his 
countrymen,  or  perhaps  such  as  they  desired,  they 
pronounced  him  worthy  of  death  ,-  so  "  they  laid  him 
down,  Cornelius,  the  Dutchman  lifting  up  his  sword  to 
cut  off  his  head,  the  Indian  lifted  up  his  hand  between, 
so  that  his  hand  was  first  cut  off,  and  partly  his  head, 
and  the  second  blow  finished  the  execution."* 

On  the  18th  of  Sept.,  captain  Lothrop  of  Salem,  was 
sent  from  Hadley  with  about  eighty-eight  men,  to 
bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuable  articles, 
from  Deerfield.  Having  loaded  their  teams,  and  com 
menced  their  march  homeward,  they  were  attacked 
at  a  place  called  Sugarloaf-hill,  where  almost  every 
man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of  choice 
young  men,  the  flower  of  Essex  county.  Eighteen  of 
the  men  belonged  to  Deerfield.t  Capt.  Mosely  being 
not  far  off,  upon  a  scout,  was  drawn  to  the  scene  of 
action  by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and  having  with 
him  seventy  men,  charged  the  Indians  with  great  re 
solution,  although  he  computed  their  numbers  at  1000. 
He  had  two  of  his  men  killed  and  eleven  wounded. 
The  Indians  dared  him  to  begin  the  fight,  and  exult- 
ingly  said  to  him,  "  Come,  Mosely,  come,  you  seek  In 
dians,  you  want  Indiana,  here  is  Indians  enough  for  you" 
After  continuing  a  fight  with  them,  from  eleven  o'clock 


*  Manuscript  in  Library  of  Mas.  Hist.  Soc. 
t  Hubbard's  Narratives. 
I  These  were  the  teamsters. 


258  PHILIP. 

until  almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  The 
Indians  cut  open  the  bags  of  wheat  and  feather-beds, 
and  scattered  their  contents  to  the  winds.*  After 
Mostly  had  commenced  a  retreat,  major  Treat  with 
one  hundred  English,  arid  sixty  Mohegans,  came  to 
his  assistance.  Their  united  forces  obliged  the  In 
dians  to  retreat  in  their  turn.f  The  Indians  were  said 
to  have  lost  in  the  various  encounters,  ninety-six  men. 
It  was  a  great  oversight,  that  captain  Lothrop  should 
have  suffered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  while  passing  a 
dangerous  defile.  "  Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been 
so  foolish  and  secure,  as  to  put  their  arms  in  the  carts, 
and  step  aside  to  gather  grapes,  which  proved  dear 
and  deadly  grapes  to  them:"J  The  same  author  ob 
serves,  "this  was  a  black  and  fatal  day,  wherein  there 
were  eight  persons  made  widows,  and  six  and  twenty 
children  made  fatherless,  all  in  one  little  plantation  and 
in  one  day ;  and  above  sixty  persons  buried  in  one 
dreadful  grave  ! " 

The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in 
the  war,  though  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  stood 
pledged  so  to  do.  Therefore,  having  done  all  that 
could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  concluding  that  his  presence  among  his 
allies,  the  Narragansets,  was  necessary,  to  keep  them 
from  abandoning  his  cause,  Philip  was  next  known 
to  be  in  their  country. 

An  army  of  1500  English,  was  raised  by  the  three 
colonies,  Massachusetts,  Plimouth  and  Connecticut,  for 
the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the  power  of  Philip 
among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  upon  this 
course,  as  they  had  been  assured  that  in  the  spring 
they  would  come  with  all  their  force  upon  them.  It 

*  Manuscript  Letter,  written  at  the  time. 

t  7.  Mather's  History  of  the  War.  t  Ibid.  12, 


PHILIP.  259 

was  not  known  that  Philip  was  amongst  them  when 
this  resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor 
that  they  had  taken  part  with  him.  It  was  true,  that 
they  had  promised  to  deliver  up  all  the  Wampanoags, 
who  should  flee  to  them,  either  alive  or  dead  ;  »but  it  is 
also  true,  that  those  who  made  this  promise,  had  it  not 
in  their  power ;  being  persons,  chiefly  in  subordinate 
circumstances,  who  had  no  right  or  authority  to  bind 
any  but  themselves.  And,  therefore,  as  doubtless  was 
foreseen  by  many,  none  of  Philip's  people  were  deliv- 
ed,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been  among 
them.  Thus  in  few  words  have  we  exhibited  the 
main  grounds  of  the  mighty  expedition  against  the 
Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  1675. 

Upon  a  small  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South 
Kingston,  Rhode  Island,  Pliilip  had  fortified  himself, 
in  a  manner  superior  to  what  was  common  among  his 
countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter, 
with  the  chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about 
five  hundred  wigwams  of  a  superior  construction,  in 
which  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisions.  Bas 
kets  and  tubs  of  corn,  were  piled  one  upon  another, 
about  the  inside  of  them,  which  rendered  them  bullet 
proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about  three  thousand 
persons  had  here  taken  up  their  residence. 

After  nearly  a  month  from  their  setting  out,  the 
English  army  arrived  in  the  Narraganset  country,  and 
made  their  head  quarters  about  eighteen  miles  from 
Philip's  fort.  They  had  been  so  long  upon  their 
march,  that  the  Indians  were  long  enough  apprized  of 
their  approach,  and  had  made  the  best  arrangements 
in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  They  had  already 
suffered  much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being' 
obliged  to  encamp  in  the  open  field,  and  without  tent* 
to  cover  them  ! 


260  PHILIP. 

The  19th  of  December,  1675,  is  a  memorable  day 
in  the  annals  of  New  England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme — 
the  air  filled  with  snow — the  army  were  obliged,  from 
the  low  state  of  their  provisions,  to  march  to  attack 
Philip  in  his  fort.  And  but  for  the  treachery  of  one 
of  his  men,  who,  from  his  having  an  English  name,  is 
supposed  to  have  lived  among  the  English — and  by 
hope  of  reward,  betrayed  his  countrymen  into  their 
hands.  His  name  was  Peter,  and  it  was  by  accident 
that  himself,  with  thirty-five  others,  had  just  before 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  fortunate  captain  Mosely. 
No  Englishman  was  acquainted  with  the  situation  of 
Philip's  fort ;  and  but  for  their  pilot,  Peter,  there  is 
very  little  probability  that  they  could  have  effected 
anything  against  it.  For  it  was  one  o'clock  on  that 
short  day  of  the  year,  before  they  arrived  within  the 
vicinity  of  the  swamp.  There  was  but  one  point 
where  it  could  be  assailed  with  the  least  probability  of 
success ;  and  this  was  fortified  by  a  kind  of  block 
house,  directly  in  front,  and  having  flankers  to  cover 
a  cross  fire.  Besides  high  palisades,  an  immense 
hedge  of  fallen  trees,  of  nearly  a  rod  in  thickness,  sur 
rounded  it  upon  the  outside,  encompassing  an  area  of 
about  five  acres.  Between  the  fort  and  the  main  land, 
was  a  body  of  water,  over  which  a  great  tree  had  been 
felled,  on  which  all  must  pass  and  repass,  to  and  from 
it.  On  coming  to  this  place,  the  English  soldiers,  as 
many  as  could  pass  upon  the  tree,  which  would  not 
admit  two  abreast,  rushed  forward,  but  were  swept 
from  it  in  a  moment,  by  the  fire  of  Philip's  men. 
Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led  by  their  captains,  sup 
plied  the  places  of  the  slain.  But  again  and  again, 
were  they  swept  from  the  fatal  avenue.  Six  captains 
and  a  great  many  men  had  fallen,  and  a  partial,  but 
momentary  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place  ; 


PHILIP.  261 

and  but  a  handful  had  got  within  the  fort.  These 
were  contending  hand  to  hand  with  the  Indians,  and 
at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  "they  run  !  they  run  !" 
brought  to  their  assistance  a  considerable  body  of  their 
fellow-soldiers.  They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the 
Indians  from  their  main  breast-work,  and  their  slaugh 
ter  became  immense.  Flying  from  wigwam  to  wig- 
warn — men,  women,  and  children,  indiscriminately, 
were  hewn  down  and  lay  in  heaps  upon  the  ground. 
Being  no.w  masters  of  the  fort,  at  the  recommendation 
of  Mr.  Church,*  general  Winslow  was  about  to  quarter 
the  army  in  it  for  the  present,  which  offered  comfort 
able  habitations  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  besides  a 
plentiful  supply  of  provisions.  But  one  of  the  captains 
and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  measure  ;  probably  from 
the  apprehension  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Indians* 
who  would  continue  their  attacks  upon  them,  and 
drive  them  out  in  their  turn.  There  was,  doubtless, 
some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened  from  the 
fact  that  many  English  were  killed  after  they  had  pos 
sessed  themselves  of  the  fort,  by  those  whom  they  had 
just  dispossessed  of  it.  Still,  had  Cnurch's  advice  been 
followed,  perhaps  many  of  the  lives  of  the  wounded 
would  have  been  saved ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in 
his  judgment,  as  his  long  successes  proved  afterwards. 
After  fighting  three  hours,  they  were  to  march  eigh 
teen  miles,  before  the  wounded  could  be  dressed,  and 
iri  a  most  horrid  and  boisterous  night.  Eighty  English 
were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
wounded  ;  many  of  whom  died  afterwards.  The  Eng 
lish  left  the  ground  in  considerable  haste,  leaving  eight 
of  their  dead  in  the  fort.  Philip,  and  such  of  his  war- 

*  Afterwards  the  famous  colonel  Church.  He  led  the  se 
cond  party  that  entered  the  fort,  and  was  badly  wounded, 
after  fighting  some  time. 


262 


riors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  a  place  of  safety, 
until  the  enemy  had  retired  ;  when  they  returned 
again  to  the  fort.  The  English,  no  doubt,  apprehend 
ed  a  pursuit,  but  Philip  not  knowing  their  distressed 
situation,  and  perhaps  judging  of  their  loss  from  the 
few  dead  which  they  left,  made  no  attempt  to  harrass 
them.  Before  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wig 
wams  were  set  on  fire.  Into  these,  hundreds  of  inno 
cent  women  and  children  had  crowded,  and  perished 
in  the  general  conflagration  !  and  as  a  writer  of  that 
day  expresses  himself,  "  no  man  knoweth  -how  many." 
The  English  learned  afterwards  from  some  that  fell 
into  their  hands,  that  in  all  about  700  perished.* 

Soon  after  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  his  followers, 
left  that  part  of  the  country,  and  resided  in  different 
places  upon  Connecticut  river.  Some  report  that  he 
took  up  his  residence  near  Albany,  and  that  he  solicit 
ed  the  Mohawks  to  aid  him  against  the  English,  but 
without  success.  The  various  attacks  and  encounters 

*  There  is  printed  in  Hutchinsons  Hist.  Mass.  I,  300,  a 
letter  which  gives  the  particulars  of  the  Narraganset  fight. 
I  have  compared  it  with  the  original,  and  find  it  correct  in 
the  main  particulars.  He  mistakes  in  ascribing  it  to  major 
Bradford,  for  it  is  signed  by  James  Oliver,  one  of  the  Pli- 
mouth  captains  Hutchinson  copied  from  a  copy,  which  was 
without  signature.  He  omits  a  passage  concerning  Tift  or 
Tiffe — who,  Oliver  says,  confirmed  his  narrative.  That  he  had 
" married  an  Indian,  a  Wompanoag— he  shot  twenty  times 
at  us  in  the  swamp — was  taken  at  Providence  [by  captain 
Fenner,]  Jan.  14th,  brought  to  us  the  ]6th— executed  the  18th  ; 
a  sad  wretch.  He  never  heard  a  sermon  ,but  once  this  four 
teen  years;  he  never  heard  of  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ.  His 
father  going  to  recall  him,  lost  his  head,  and  lies  unburied." 
Hubbard  i^ays,  Narrative  59,  that  "  he  was  condemned  to  die 
the  death  of  a  traitor,  and  traitors  of  those  days  were  quarter 
ed.  As  to  his  religion,  he  was  found  as  ignorant  as  an  hea 
then,  which  no  doubt  caused  the  fewer  tears  to  be  shed  at 
his  funeral."  A  sorrowful  record  this  !!! 


PHILIP.  263 

he  had  with  the  English,  from  February  to  August, 
1676,  are  so  minutely  recorded,  and  in  so  many  works, 
that  we  will  not  enlarge  upon  them  in  this  place. 

When  success  no  longer  attended  him.  in  the  west 
ern  parts  of  Massachusetts,  those  of  his  allies  whom  he 
had  seduced  iuto  the  war,  upbraided,  and  accused 
him  of  bringing  all  their  misfortunes  upon  them  ;  that 
they  had  no  cause  of  war  against  the  English,  and  had 
not  engaged  in  it  but  for  his  solicitations ;  and  many 
of  the  tribes  scattered  themselves  in  different  direc 
tions.  With  all  that  would  follow  him,  as  a  last  re 
treat,  Philip  returned  to  Pokanoket. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  he.  attempted  to  surprise  Taun- 
ton,  but  was  repulsed.  His  camp  was  now  at  Mata- 
poiset ;  and  the  English  came  upon  him  under  captain 
Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  he 
escaped  over  Taunton  river,  as  he  had  done  a  year 
before,  but  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  secreted  him 
self  once  more  upon  Pocasset.  He  used  many  strata 
gems  to  cut  off  capt.  Church,  and  seems  to  have  watch 
ed  and  followed  him  from  place  to  place,  until  the  end 
of  this  month  ;  but  continually  loosing  one  company 
after  another.  Some  scouts  ascertained  that  he,  with 
many  of  his  men,  were  at  a  place  upon  Taunton  river, 
and  from  appearances  were  about  to  repass  it.  His 
camp  was  now  at  this  place,  and  the  chief  of  his  war 
riors  with  him.  Some  soldiers  from  Bridgewater  fell 
upon  them  here,  July  31st,  killed  ten  warriors  ;  but 
Philip  having  disguised  himself,  escaped.  His  uncle, 
Akkompoin,  was  among  the  slain,  and  his  own  sister 
taken  prisoner. 

The  next  day,  August  1st,  the  intrepid  Church  came 
upon  his  head-quarters,  killed  and  took  about  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty  of  his  people,  and  himself  very  nar 
rowly  escaping.  Such  was  his  precipitation  that  he 


264  PHILIP. 

left  all  his  warnpum  behind,  and  his  wife  and  son  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Church.  Some  of  Philip's  Indians, 
who  now  served  under  Church,  said  to  him,  "You 
have  now  made  Philip  ready  to  die ;  for  you  have 
made  him  as  poor  and  miserable  as  he  used  to 
make  the  English.  You  have  now  killed  or  taken 
all  his  relations — that  they  believed  he  would  soon 
have  his  head,  and  that  this  bout  had  almost  broken 
his  heart." 

Philip  having  now  but  few  followers  left,  was  driv 
en  from,  place  to  place,  and  lastly  to  hrs  ancient  seat, 
near  Pokanoket.  The  English  for  a  long  time  had 
endeavored  to  kill  him,  but  gould  not  find  him  off  his 
guard  ;  for  he  was  always  the  first  who  was  apprized 
of  their  approach.  Having  put  to  death  one  of  his 
men  for  advising  him  to  make  peace  with  them,  his 
brother  deserted  him,  and  gave  captain  Church  an  ac 
count  of  his  situation,  and  offered  to  lead  him  to  the 
place.  Early  on  Saturday  morning,  Aug.  12th,  Church 
came  to  the  swamp  where  Philip  was  encamped.  And 
before  he  was  discovered,  had  placed  a  guard  about  it, 
so  as  to  encompass  it,  except  a  small  place.  He  then 
ordered  captain  Golding  to  rush  into  the  swamp,  and  fall 
upon  Philip  in  his  camp  ;  which  he  immediately  did — 
but  was  discovered  as  he  approached,  and  as  usual, 
Philip  was  the  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked 
from  sleep,  had  on  but  a  part  of  his  clothes,  he  fled  with 
all  his  might.  Coming  directly  upon  an  Englishman 
and  an  Indian,  who  composed  a  part  of  the  ambush 
at  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  the  Englishman's  gun  miss 
ed  fire,  but  Alderman,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was 
loaded  with  two  balls,  "  sent  one  through  his  heart, 
and  another  not  above  two  inches  from  it.  He  fell 
upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun 
under  him." 


PHILIP.  265 

'•  Cold  with  the  beast  he  slew,  he  sleeps, 
O'er  him  no  filial  spirit  weeps  ; 

***** 

Even  that  he  liv'd,  is  for  his  conqueror's  tongue, 
By  foes  alone  his  death-song  miut  be  sung  ; 

No  chronicles  but  theirs  shall  tell 

His  mournful  doom,  to  frture  times; 

May  these  upon  his  virtues  dwell, 

And  in  his  fate  forget  his  crimes." 

With  the  great  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  foU 
lowers,  one  of  whom  was  his  chief  captain's  son  ;  and 
the  very  Indian  who  fired  the  first  gun  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  war. 

The  harbarous  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering 
traitors,  was  now  executed  upon  the  fallen  Philip.  His 
head  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon 
a  gibbet  for  twenty  years,  and  his  hands  to  Boston, 
where  they  were  exhibited  in  savage  triumph,  and  his 
mangled  body  was  denied  the  right  of  sepulture.* 

During  the  bloody  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrest 
led  long  and  often  with  their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he 
would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver  their  enemies 
into  their  hands  ;  and  when  upon  stated  days  of  prayer 
the  Indians  gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a 
rebuke  of  Providence,  and  animated  them  to  greater 
sincerity  and  fervor ;  and  on  the  contrary,  when  their 
arms  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an 
immediate  interposition  in  their  favor.  The  philoso 
phic  mind  will  be  shocked  at  the  expressions  of  some, 
very  eminent  in  that  day,  for  piety  and  excellence  of 
moral  life.  Dr.  Increase  Mather^  in  speaking  of  the 
efficacy  of  prayer,  in  bringing  about  the  destruction  of 
the  Indians,  says,  "  Nor  could  they  cease  crying  to  the 

*  Authorities  as  heretofore. 

t  In  his  "Prevalence  of  Prayer," — page  10. 


.. 


266  PHILIP. 

Lord  against  Philip,  until  they  had  prayed  the  bullet 
into  his  heart."  And  in  speaking  of  the  slaughter  of 
Philip's  people,  at  Narraganset,  he  says,  "We  have 
heard  of  two  and  twenty  Indian  captains,  slain  all  of 
them,  and  brought  down  to  hell  in  one  day."*  Again, 
in  speaking  of  a  chief  who  had  sneered  at  the  English 
religion,  and  who  had,  "  withal,  added  a  most  hideous 
blasphemy,  immediately  upon  which  a  bullet  took  him 
in  the  head,  and  dashed  out  his  brains,  sending  his 
cursed  soul  in  a  moment  amongst  the  devils,  an,d  blas 
phemers  in  hell  for  ever."f 

These  extracts  are  made  for  no  other  purpose  than 
to  show  the  habits  of  thinking,  in  those  times. 

Like  Massasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  introduc 
tion  of  Christianity  among  his  people.  When  Mr. 
Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance,  he  said  he 
cared  no  m^re  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a  button 
upon  his  coat.|  And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  "It  was  not 
long,  before  the  hand  which  now  writes,  [1700]  upon 
a  certain  occasion  took  off  the  jaw  from  the  exposed 
skull  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  the  renowned 
Samuel  Lee  hath  since  been  a  pastor  to  an  English 
congregation,  sounding  and  showing  the  praises  of 
heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  ground,  where  Philip 
and  his  Indians  were  lately  worshiping  of  the  devil."§ 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grand-son  to  Massasoit,  is 
so  well  known  to  be  such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem 
to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform  the  reader  of 


*  /.  Mather's  Prevalence  of  Prayer.       f  Ibid.  7. 

J  Magnalia. 

§  Mr.  Lee  was  taken  by  the  French  in  a  voyage  to  Eng 
land,  and  carried  into  that  country  where  he  died,  in  1691. 
This  event,  it  was  thought,  hastened  his  end.  Perhaps  the 
surviving  natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster,  to  his  usurp 
ing  their  territory,  and  teaching  a  religion  they  could  not 
believe ;  but  might  they  not  with  equal  propriety  ? 


PUILIP. 


267 


its  origin.  The  following  passage  from  Mr.  Jossetyri's 
work,*  will,  besides  proving  him  to  be  the  author  of 
the  error,  at  least  the  first  writer  that  so  denominates 
him,  furnish  some  valuable  information.  Speaking  of 
the  Indians  in  general,  he  says,  "  Their  beads  are  their 
money ;  of  these,  there  are  two  sorts,  blue  beads  and 
white  beads ;  the  first  is  their  gold,  the  last  their  silver. 
These  they  work  out  of  certain  shells,  so  cunningly, 
that  neither  Jew  nor  devil  can  counterfeit.  They  drill 
them  and  string  them,  and  make  many  curious  works 
with  them,  to  adorn  the  persons  of  their  Sagamores 
and  principal  men,  and  young  women,  as  belts,  girdles, 
tablets,  borders  for  their  women's  hair,  bracelets,  neck 
laces,  and  links  to  hang  in  their  ears.  Prince  Philip, 
a  little  before  I  came  for  England,  [1671,]  coming  to 
Boston,  had  a  coat  on  and  buskins  set  thick  with  these 
beads,  in  pleasant  wild  works,  and  a  broad  belt  of  the 
same ;  his  accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The 
English  merchant  giveth  them  105.  a  fathom  for  their 
white,  and  as  much  more,  or  near  upon,  for  their 
blue  beads."  "  The  roy telet  now  of  the  Pocanakets  is 
prince  Philip,  alias  Metacon,  the  grand-son  of  Massa- 
soit:^ 

In  November,  1669,  Philip  sold  to  the  selectmen  of 
Dedham,  the  tract  of  land  called  Woollommonuppogue 
"within  the  town  bounds,  [of  Dedham,]  not  yet  pur 
chased."  What  the  full  consideration  paid  to  him 
was,  we  do  not  learn.  In  an  order  which  he  sent  to 
them  afterwards,  he  requests  them  "  to  pay  to  this 
bearer,  for  the  use  of  king  Philip,  £5  5s.  money — and 
£5  in  trucking  cloth,  at  money  price."  In  a  receipt 

*  Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  142-3. 

t  Ibid,  146.  He  is  also  called  grand-son  of  Massasoit  in 
the  work  entitled  Present  State  of  New  England,  in  respect  to 
the  Indian  War.  Fol.  Fondon :  1676. 


268 


signed  by  Peter,  the  following  amount  is  warned  :  "  In 
reference  to  the  payment  of  king  Philip  of  Mount  Hope, 
the  full  and  just  sum  of  £5  5s.  in  money,  and  twelve 
yards  of  trucking  cloth  —  three  pounds  of  powder,  and 
as  much  lead  as  to  make  it  up  ;  which  is  in  full  satis 
faction  with  £10  that  he  is  to  receive  of  Nathaniel 


If  Indian  tradition  do  not  err,  some  of  the  blood  of 
the  immortal  Philip,  now  circulates  in  this  city.  The 
Rev.  Wm.  Apes,  of  the  Independent  Methodist  order, 
a  Pequot,  is  preaching  occasionally  among  us.  He 
has  seen  a  chequered  and  various  life,  as  appears  by 
a  book  which  he  has  published,  entitled,  "A  Son  of 
the  Forest."  He  contemplates  giving  the  traditionary, 
as  well  as  the  real  history  and  antiquities,  of  the  Pe- 
quots  ;  which  must  be  a  work  desired  by  every  one. 
Mr.  Apes  is  thirty-four  years  of  age,  very  active  and 
intelligent.  He  makes  a  wide  mistake  in  his  life,  by 
calling  Philip  king  of  the  Pequots  ;  for  Philip  was  not 
born  when  that  tribe  was  destroyed.  And  there  is 
no  tradition  that  the  Warnpanoag  chiefs  ever  claimed 
dominion  over  the  Pequots,  but  on  the  contrary  the 
latter  were  "a  terror  to  all  their  neighbors." 

We  will  close  this  life  with  a  few  additions  from  a 
curious  work.f  Philip  having  resolved  to  war  against 
the  English,  "in  order  thereunto,  his  first  errand  is  to 
Squaw  Sachem,  [Awashonks  ?]  who  is  the  widow  of  a 
brother,  [Alexander,]  to  king  Philip,  deceased  ;  he  pro 
mising  her  great  rewards  if  she  would  join  with  him 
in  his  conspiracy,  (for  she  is  as  potent  a  prince  as  any 
round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much  corn,  land,  and 
men,  at  her  command,)  she  willingly  consented,  and 


*  MS.  Documents  among  our  State  Papers. 
t  Present  State  of  New  England,  by  a  Merchant  of  Bofton. 
Fol.  London  :  1676. 


PITIMEE. 


269 


was  much  more  forward  in  the  design,  and  had  greater 
success  than  king  Philip  himself."*  "Thus  after  king 
Philip  had  secured  his  interest  in  Squaw  Sachem, 
(whom  he  perswaded  that  the  English  had  poysoned 
her  husband,  and  thereupon  she  was  the  more  willing 
to  join  with  him,)  he  privately  sent  messengers,"  to  the 
other  Sachems.f  The  same  author  in  relating  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  says,  "  About  the  20th  of 
June  last,  [1675,]  seven  or  eight  of  king  Philip's  men 
came  to  Swanzey,  on  the 'Lord's  day,  and  would  grind 
a  hatchet  at  an  inhabitant's  house  there.  The  master 
told  them  it  was  the  Sabbath  day,  and  their  God 
would  be  very  angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it. 
They  returned  this  answer;  "They  knew  not  who  his 
God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it  for  all  him  or  his 
God  either."  They  then  went  to  .another  house,  and 
after  taking  some  victuals,  went  away  peaceably  ;  but 
meeting  a  man  in  the  road,  .took  him  and  kept  him  a 
short  time,  telling  him  he  should  not  work  on  his  God's 
day,  and  when  they  dismissed  him  charged  him  i^ot 
to  tell  lies. 

PtambOW)  a  Natick,  next  to  Waban,  in  the 
government  and  religious  affairs  of  that  tribe.  When 
a  church  was  established  at  Natick,  in  1071,  he  was 
made  ruling  elder.  He  was  the  father  of  Tuckapewil- 
lin,  who  at  this  time  was  the  minister.  "  He  brought 
many  Indians  with  him,  to  the  second  meeting,  at  Wa- 
bari*s  house,  on  Nonantum,"  since  Newton. 

PttimCC)  (Andrew,)  one  of  the  six  Christian  In 
dians  who  volunteered  to  go  out  with  the  English 
army,  under  major  Savage,  in  March,  1676,  and  was 
their  captain.  He  is  chiefly  to  be  remembered,  from 
that  horrid  affair,  the  murder  of  his  wife  and  another 
woman,  and  three  children,  at  a  place  called  Whortle- 

*  Present  State  of  New  England,  p.  3.     t  Ibid,  p.  4. 


270  POCAJIONTAS.  x 

berry-hill,  in  Watertown,  by  some  Englishmen.*  The 
particulars  of  which  will  be  found  under  the  account 
of  Thomas  Speen.  He  is  mentioned  but  once  by  our 
best  historian  of  those  times,  who  in  a  single  line  suras 
up  the  whole  business.  After  mentioning  that  those 
of  the  enemy  who  had  thought  to  have  shelterd  them 
selves  under  Uncas,  were  "stabbed,"  off  by  him  ;  and 
that  "  they  were  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter  [of 
1676,]  brought  into  Boston,  many  of  them,  by  Peter 
Ephraim  and  Andrew  Pityme,  with  their  fellows."! 

PoC&liQHtaS)  daugther  of  one  of  the  most  cel 
ebrated  chiefs  recorded  in  history  ;  whose  name  will 
always  occupy  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  places  in 
the  annals  of  Virginia.  It  is  impossible  to  say,  what 
would  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  great  Powhatan, 
her  father,  towards  the  English,  if  he  had  been  treated 
by  the  first  English  as  he  ought  to  have  been.  The 
uncommonly  amiable,  virtuous,  and  feeling  disposition 
of  his  daughter,  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in 
reading  his  history  ;  and  notwithstanding  he  is  describ 
ed  by  the  historians  as  possessing  a  sour,  morose,  and 
savage  disposition,  full  of  treachery,  deceit,  and  cun 
ning — and  whose  word  was  never  to  be  depended 
upon,  yet  on  the  very  page  that  thus  represents 
him,  we  shall  find  the  very  example  set  hhii  by  the 
English. 

The  first  and  most  memorable  events  in  the  life  of 
Pocahontas,  must  necessarily  be  detailed  in  the  ac 
count  of  her  father ;  therefore,  we  shall,  under  her 
own  name,  give  those  which  are  more  disconnected 
with  his. 

Pocahontas  was  born  about  the  year  1594  or  5,  and 
hence  was  no  more  than  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old, 

*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians, 
r  Hubbard's  History  of  the  War. 


POCAHONTA3.  271 

when  she  saved  the  life  of  the  celehrated  capt.  Smith, 
in  1607.  Every  particular  of  that  most  extraordinary 
scene  will  be  exhibited,  when  we  come  tb  the  life  of 
Powhatan,  where  it  more  properly  belongs.  It  will 
also  be  mentioned  under  that  head,  that  at  the  sugges 
tion  of  caj  t.  Neivport,  Smith  went  with  a  few  men  to 
Werowocomoco,  to  invite  Powhatan  to  Jamestown  to 
receive  presents,  hoping  thereby  to  influence  him  to 
trade  his  corn  with  him. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  place,  Powhalan  was  not 
at  home,  out  was  at  the  distance  of  thirty  miles  off. 
Pocahontas  and  her  women  received  him,  and  while 
he  waited  for  her  father,  they  thus  entertained  him  ; 
which  we  will  give  in  his  own  words.  "  In  a  fayre 
plaine  field  they  made  a  fire,  before  which,  he  sitting 
upon  a  mat,  suddainly  amongst  the  woods  was  heard 
such  a  hydeous  noise  and  shrecking,  that  the  English 
betooke  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  siezed  on  two 
or  three  old  men  by  them,  supposing  Powhatan  with 
all  his  power,  was  come  to  surprise  them.  But  pre 
sently  Pocahontas  cr.me,  willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any 
hurt  were  intended  ;  and  the  beholders,  which  were 
men,  women,  and  children,  satisfied  the  captain  there 
was  no  such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were  pre 
sented  with  this  anticke  ;  thirty  young  women  came 
naked  out  of  the  woods,  onely  covered  behind  and 
before  with  a  few  greene  leaues,  their  bodies  al!  paint 
ed,  some  of  one  color,  some  of  another,  but  all  differ 
ing.  Their  leader  had  a  fayre  payre  of  bucks  homes 
on  her  head,*and  an  otter-skinne  at  her  girdle,  and 
another  at  her  arme,  d  quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe, 
a  bow  and  arrows  in  her  hand.  The  next  had  in  her 
hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  club,  another  a  pot-sticke. 
all  horned  alike  ;  the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerall 
devises.  These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and 


272  POCAHONTAS. 

cryed,  rushing  from  among  the  trees,  cast  themselves 
in  a  ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing  with  most 
excellent  ill  varietie,  oft  falling  into  their  infernall  pas 
sions,  and  solemnly  again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Hav 
ing  spent  neare  an  houre  in  this  mascarado,  as  they 
entred,  in  like  manner  they  departed."  .After  a  short 
time  they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wig^ 
warns.  Here  they  were  more  tormented  than  hefore, 
"  with  crowding,  pressing,  hanging  about  them,  most 
tediously  crying,  « Love  you  not  me  ?  love  you  not?'" 
When  they  had  finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before 
them  the  best  victuals  their  country  afforded,  and  then 
showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

-In  captain  Smith's  excursion  into  the  country  to  sur 
prise  Powhatan,  a  melancholy  accident  happened  to  a 
boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe 
weather,  by  one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direc 
tion  of  matters.  In  the  boat  were  captain  Waldo,  mas 
ter  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  Antho 
ny  Gosnold,  brother  of  the  well  known  Bartholomew 
Gosnold,  and  eight  others.  By  the  sinking  of  the  boat 
these  all  perished,  and  none  knew  what  had  become 
of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found  by  the  Indians. 
The  very  men  on  whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at 
the  fort  for  his  succor,  if  in  case  he  sent  for  them, 
were  among  the  number.  Therefore,  to  prevent  the 
failure  of  his  project,  some  must  be  sent  tp  apprise  him 
of  the  catastrophy.  None  volunteered  for  the  hazard 
ous  service,  but  Mr.  Richard  Wy/ffin,  who  was  obliged 
to  undertake  it  alone.  This  being  a  time  when  Pow- 
hatan  was  very  insolent,  and  urged  the  killing  of  Smith. 
Nevertheless,  after  many  difficulties,  he  arrived  at  We- 
rowocomoco.  Here  he  found  himself  amidst  prepar 
ations  for  war,  and  in  still  greater  danger  than  he 
bad  yet  been.  But  Pocahontas  appeared  as  his  savior. 


POCAHONTAS.  273 

Knowing  the  intention  of  the  warriors  to  kill  him,  she 
first  secreted  him  in  the  woods,  and  then  directed 
those  who  sought  him.  in  an  opposite  direction  ;  and 
by  this  means  he  escaped,  and  got  safe  to  Smith  at  Pa- 
munkey.  This  was  in  the  winter  of  1609. 

We  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Henry  Spil- 
fwm,  who  being  one  of  thirty  that  went  to  trade,  upon 
the  confidence  of  Powhatan,  and  who  were,  all  except 
Spilman,  killed  by  his  people. 

From  1609,  the  time  Smith  left  the  country,  until 
1611,  Pocahontas  was  not  seen  at  Jamestown.  At  this 
time  she  was  treacherously  taken  prisoner  by  captain 
•Argal,  and  kept  by  the  English  to  prevent  Powhatan 
from  doing  them  injury,  and  to  extort  a  great  ransom 
from  him,  and  such  terms  of  peace  as  they  should 
dictate.  At  the  time  she  was  betrayed  into  the  hands 
of  captain  *Argal,  she  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
chief  of  Potomack,  whose  name  was  Japazaws,  a  par 
ticular  friend  of  the  English,  and  an  old  acquaintance 
of  captain  Smith.  Whether  she  had  taken  up  her  re 
sidence  here,  or  whether  she  was  here  only  upon  a 
visit,  we  are  not  informed.  But  some  have  conjec 
tured,  that  she  retired  here  soon  after  Smith's  depar 
ture,  that  she  might  not  witness  the  frequent  murders 
of  the  ill-governed  English,  at  Jamestown.  Captain 
Jlrgal  was  in  the  Potomack  river,  for  the  purpose  of 
trade,  with  his  ship,  when  he  learned  .that  Pocahontas 
was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether''  Japazaws  had 
acquired  his  treachery  from  his  intercourse  among  the 
English,  or  whether  it  were  natural  to  Jiis  disposition, 
we  will  not  undertake  to  decide  here  ;  but  certain  it  is, 
that  he  was  ready  to  practice  it,  at  the  instigation  of 
Argal.  And  for  a  copper  kettle  for  himself  and  a  few 
toys  for  his  squaw,  did  he  deliver  the  innocent  girl  on 
board  ArgaTs  ship.  It  was  effected,  however,  without 
23 


274  POCAHONTAS. 

compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  his  squaw.  The  captain 
had  previously  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall 
her,  and  that  she  should  be  treated  with  all  tender 
ness  ;  which  should  go  as  far  as  it  may,  to  excuse  Ja- 
pazaws.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board,  was  well  con 
trived.  Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a 
ship,  having  before  seen  many,  Japazaws  wife  pretend 
ed  great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but  would  not  go  unless 
Pocahontas  would  go  on  board  with  her.  To  this  she 
consented  after  some  hesitation.  The  attention  with 
which  they  were  received  on  board,  soon  dissipated 
all  fears,  and  Pocahontas  soon  strayed  from  her  be 
trayers  into  the  gun-room.  The  captain,  watching 
his  opportunity,  told  her  she  was  a  prisoner.  When 
it  was  known  to  Japazaws  and  his  wife,  they  feigned 
more  lamentation  than  she  did,  to  keep  her  in  ignor 
ance  of  the  plot ;  and  after  receiving  the  price  of  their 
perfidy,  were  s*ent  ashore,  and  Jirgal  with  his  pearl  of 
great  price,  to  Jamestown.  On  being  informed  of  the 
reason  why  she  was  thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  de 
grees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Poivha- 
tan  of  the  captivity  of  his  daughter,  and  to  demand  of 
him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which  he  and  his  peo 
ple  had  from  time  to  time  taken  and  stolen  from  them. 
This  unexpected  news  threw  the  old  stern,  calculating 
chief  into  a  great  dilemma,  and  what  course  to  take  he 
knew  not ;  and  it  was  three  months  before  he  return 
ed  any  answer.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  by  the  ad 
vice  of  his  council,  he  sent  back  seven  Englishmen, 
with  each  a  gun  which  had  been  spoiled,  and  this 
answer :  that  when  they  should  return  his  daughter, 
he  would  make  full  satisfaction,  and  give  them  five 
hundred  bushels  of  corn,  and  be  their  friend  forever ; 
that  he  had  no  more  guns  to  return,  the  rest  being 


POCAHONTAS.  275 

lost.  They  sent  him  word,  that  they  would  not  re 
store  her,  until  he  had  complied  with  their  demand ; 
and  that  as  for  the  guns,  they  did  not  believe  .they 
were  lost.  Seeing  the  determination  of  the  English, 
or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  we  apprehend, 
why  they  "  heard  no  more  from  him  for  a  long  time 
after." 

In  the  spring  of  the  year,  1613,  Sir  Thomas  Dale 
took  Pocahontas,  and  went  with  a  ship,  up  Powhatarfs 
river,  to  Werowocomoco,  the  residence  of  her  father, 
in  hopes  to  effect  an  exchange,  and  bring  about  a 
peace.  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  and  they  met  with 
nothing  but  bravadoes  and  a  disposition  to  fight,  from 
all  the  Indians  they  met  with.  After  burning  many 
of  their  habitations,  and  giving  out  threats,  some  of 
them  came  and  made  peace,  as  they  called  it,  which 
opened  the  way  for  two  of  Pocahontas*  brothers  to 
come  on  board  the  .ship,  where  they  expressed  great 
joy  at  seeing  their  sister. 

A  particular  friendship  had  sometime  existed  be 
tween  Pocahontas  and  a  worthy  young  Englishman,  by 
the  name  of  John  Rolfe ;  which  at  length  growing  into 
a  sincere  attachment,  and  being  mutual  between  them, 
he  made  known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  com 
panion.  This  being  highly  approved  of  by  Sir  Thomas 
Dale,  and  other  gentlemen  of  high  standing  and  autho 
rity,  was  soon  to  take  place.  Acquainting  her  brother 
with  her  determination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  her  father  also  ;  who  as  highly  approving  of  it  as 
the  English,  immediately  sent  Opachisco,  her  uncle, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  performance,  and 
to  act  as  her  servants  upon  the  occasion :  and  in  the 
beginning  of  April,  1613,  the  marriage  was  solemnized 
according  to  appointment.  Powhatan  was  now  their 
friend  in  reality  ;  and  a  friendly  intercourse  commeru 


276 


POCAHONTA3. 


ced,  which  was  without  much  interruption,  continued 
until  his  death. 

Pocahontas  lived  happily  with  her  husband,  and  be 
came  a  believer  in  the  English  religion,  and  expressed 
no  desire  to  live  again  among  those  of  her  own  nation. 
When  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  in  1616, 
Pocahontas  accompanied  him,  with  her  husband,  and 
several  other  young  natives.  They  arrived  at  Plimouth 
on  the  12th  of  June  of  that  year.  She  met  with  much 
attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court  by  the 
lord  and  lady  Delaware,  and  others  of  distinction.  She 
was  at  this  time  called  the  lady  Rebecca.  Her  meeting 
with  captain  Smith,  was  affecting ;  and  at  which  time 
she  thought  herself,  and  very  justly  no  doubt,  too 
slightly  noticed  by  him,  which  caused  her  much  grief. 
Owing  to  the  barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times,  Smith 
did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  father,  as  it  would  affect 
his  standing  among  his  countrymen  ;  being  afraid 
of  giving  offence  to  royalty,  by  assuming  to  be  the 
father  of  a  king's  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not  intend 
any  cause  of  offence,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  make 
her  happy.  At  their  first  interview,  after  remain 
ing  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  "You  promis 
ed  my  father,  that  what  was  yours  should  be  his ; 
and  that  you  and  he  would  be  all  one.  Being  a  stran 
ger  in  our  country,  you  called  Powhatan  father ;  and  I 
for  the  same  reason,  will  now  call  you  so.  You  were 
not  afraid  to  come  into  my  father's  country,  and  strike 
fear  into  every  body,  but  myself;  and  are  you  here 
afraid,  to  let  me  call  you  father?  I  tell  you  then,  I 
will  call  you  father,  and  you  shall  call  me  child  ;  and 
so  I  will  for  ever  be  of  your  kindred  and  country. 
They  always  told  us,  that  you  were  dead,  and  I  knew 
not  otherwise  till  I  came  to  Plimouth.  But  Powhatan 
commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and  know  the 


POCAHONTAS.  277 

truth,  because  your  countrymen  are  much  given  to 
lying." 

Tomocomo  is  the  same  person  mentioned  by  Smith, 
but  he  called  him  Uttamaccomack.  He  had  married  a 
sister  of  Pocahontas,  and  was  one  of  Powhatarfs  princi 
pal  counsellors.  And  as  will  be  mentioned  in  the  life 
of  that  chief,  was  sent  to  England  as  a  spy,  with  orders 
to  number  the  people,  &c.;  and  who,  when  he  return 
ed,  it  is  said,  was  asked  by  his  chief  how  many  people 
there  were  ?  and  that  he  replied,  "  Count  the  stars  in 
cthe  sky,  the  leaves  on  the  trees,  and  the  sand  upon  the  sea 
shore — -for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  England" 
The  useful  and  worthy  young Pocahontas,  being  about 
to  embark  for  her  native  country,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1617,  fell  sick  at  Gravesend,  and  died  ; 
having  attained  only  the  age  of  twenty-two  years. 
She  left  one  son,  whose  name  was  Thomas  Rolfe,  very 
young ;  and  whom  sir  Lewis  Stf.vkly,  of  Plimouth,  de 
sired  to  be  left  with  him,  to  get  his  education.  But 
from  the  unmanly  part  this  gentleman  took  against 
the  unfortunate  Ralegh,  he  was  brought  into  such 
merited  disrepute,  that  he  found  himself  obliged  to 
turn  all  his  attention  to  his  own  preservation  ;  and  the 
son  of  Pocahontas  was  taken  to  London,  and  there  edu 
cated  by  his  uncle,  Mr.  Henry  Rolfe.  He  afterwards 
came  to  America,  to  the  native  country  of  his  mother, 
where  he  was  a  gentleman  of  great  distinction,  pos 
sessing  an  ample  fortune.  He  left  an  only  daughter, 
who  married  colonel  Robert  Boiling,  and  died,  leaving 
an  only  son,  major  John  Boiling,  who  was  the  father 
of  colonel  John  Boiling,  and  several  daughters.  One 
of  whom  married  col.  Richard  Randolph,  from  whom 
are  descended  those  bearing  that  name,  in  Virginia,  at 
this  day.* 

*  Smith's  Virginia,  with  additions  from  Stith. 


S78 


POTOK. 


Barlow  thus  notices  Pocahontas  :  — 

"  Blest  Pocahontas  !  fear  no  lurking  guile  ; 
Thy  hero's  love  shall  well  reward  thy  smile. 
Ah,  sooth  the  wanderer  in  his  desperate  plight, 
Hide  him  by  day,  and  calm  his  cares  by  night  ; 
,  Tho'  savage  nations  with  thy  vengeful  sire, 
Pursue  their  victim  with  unceasing  ire  — 
And  tho'  their  threats,  thy  startled  ear  assail, 
Let  virtue's  voice  o'er  filial  fears  prevail."—  Columl. 


^  a  famous  Narraganset  chief,  notorious  for 
the  stand  he  took  against  the  promulgation  of  religion 
among  that  nation.  When  the  war  began  with  Philip, 
the  Narragansets  were  thought  to  be  inclining  to  him, 
and  the  army  was  ordered  to  Pettyquamscot  to  fight 
or  treat  with  them  according  as  they  were  disposed. 
After  some  parleying,  a  treaty  was  concluded,  at  great 
length  ;  to  which  no  attention  seems  to  have  been 
paid,  and  as  we  may  suppose,  no  great  sagacity  was  re 
quired  to  foresee.  At  this  negociaticn,  Potok  was  a 
conspicuous  chief,  although  little  or  nothing  is  said  of 
him  in  the  printed  accounts  ;  nor  does  it  appear  that 
he  acquiesced  in  it,  from  the  fact  that  his  name  is  not 
to  the  treaty.  Indeed,  we  now  find  the  best  authority 
for  such  conclusion.  It  has  been  said,  that  at  this 
treaty,  Potok  "  urged  that  the  English  should  not  send 
any  among  them  to  preach  the  gospel,  or  call  upon 
them  to  pray  to  God,  But  the  English  refusing  to 
concede  to  such  an  article,  it  was  withdrawn."  Yet 
no  such  article  is  printed  in  said  treaty.  If  it  really 
were  the  case,  that  the  English  refused  to  treat  with 
out  such  an  article,  even  in  this  enlightened  day,  we 
need  no  better  comment  upon  it  than  we  find  in  a 
manuscript  letter  of  Roger  Williams*  as  follows:  "At 

*  Dated  Providence,  5  :  8:  1654.  It  was  written  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  urging  a  spirit  of  forbearance  to 
wards  the  offending  Nianticks. 


l«y  last  departure  for  England,  I  was  importuned  by 
y9  Narraganset  Sachems,  and  especially  by  JVenecwnaf, 
to  present  their  petition  to  the  high  Sachems  of  Eng 
land,  that  they  might  not  be  forced  from  their  religion ; 
and  for  not  changing  their  religion  be  invaded  by  war. 
For  they  said  they  were  daily  visited  with  threatenings 
by  Indians,  that  came  from  about  the  Massachusetts  ; 
that  if  they  would  not  pray,  they  should  be  destroyed 
by  war."  And  again,  in  the  same  letter:  "Are  not  all 
the  English  of  this  land,  (generally)  a  persecuted  peo 
ple  from  their  native  soil  ?  and  hath  not  the  God  of 
peace  and  father  of  mercies  made  the  natives  more 
friendly  in  this  than  [in]  our  native  countrymen  in  our 
own  land  to  us  ?  have  they  not  entred  leagues  of  love, 
and  to  this  day  continued  peaceable  commerce  with 
us  ?  are  riot  our  families  grown  up  in  peace  amongst 
them  ?  Upon  which  I  humbly  ask  how  it  can  suit 
with  Christian  ingenuity,  tcutake  hold  of  some  seeming 
occasions  for  their  destruction." 

We  are  able  to  fix  the  place  of  his  residence  in  the 
vicinity  of  Point  Judith.  Our  earliest  notice  of  him  is 
in  1661.  In  this  year  Potok  with  several  other  chiefs, 
complained  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  that  "  Sam 
uel  Wildbow  and  others  of  his  companie,"  claimed  juris 
diction  at  Point  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands 
adjacent.  They  came  on  and  possessed  themselves 
forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle  and  other  effects  with 
them.  What  order  the  court  took  upon  it  does  not 
appear.  About  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  Potok  came 
voluntarily  to  Rhode  Island,  no  doubt  with  the  view 
of  making  friends  again  with  his  enemies ;  but  was 
sent  to  Boston,  where,  after  answering  all  their  inquir 
ies,  he  was  put  to  death  without  ceremony. 

PontiaC)  a  chief  of  the  Ottawa  nation,  as  noted 
in  his  time,  as  either  Philip  or  Tecumseh.     The  princi- 


$80 


PONTIAC, 


pal  scenes  of  his  prowess,  were  at  Michilimakinak  and 
Detroit.  The  French  finally  gave  up  possession  in 
Canada,  in  1760;  but  many  of  the  Indian  nations  who 
had  become  attached  to  them,  were  taught  at  the  same 
time  to  hate  the  English.  Ponliac  was  most  conspi 
cuous  in  his  enmity,  although,  until  he  had  united  the 
strength  of  many  tribes  to  his,  he  showed  great  kind 
ness  and  friendship  towards  them.  The  Miamis,  Ot- 
tawas,  Chippewas,  Wyandots,  Pottawatomies,  Missis- 
sagas,  Shawanese,  Ottagamies,  and  Winnebagos,  con 
stituted  his  power,  as  in  after  time  they  did  that  of 
Tecumseh. 

Major  Gladwin  held  possession  of  Detroit,  in  17(13, 
having  been  dispatched  thither  by  general  Amkerst,  he 
had  been  informed  by  commissioners  who  had  been  ex 
ploring  the  country,  that  hostile  feelings  were  manifest 
ed  among  the  Indians,  and  he  sent  men  on  purpose  to 
ascertain  the  fact,  who  on  their  return  dissipated  all 
fears. 

Major  Roberts  was  a  messenger  to  him,  and  took 
with  him  for  a  present,  what  he  thought  would  be 
most  agreeable  to  him,  which  was  a  quantity  of  Vcau- 
de-vie.  When  it  was  presented^  his  men  thinking  it  to 
be  a  stratagem  to  poison  him,  entreated  him  not  to 
taste  of  it.  But  that  the  English  should  not  in  the 
least  apprehend  fear  or  disaffection  in  him,  he  said  to 
his  people  present,  « It  is  not  possible  that  this  man, 
who  knows  my  love  for  him,  who  is  also  sensible  of 
the  great  favors  I  have  done  him,  can  think  of  taking 
away  my  life."  And  taking  the  spirit,  drank  it  with 
as  much  confidence  of  its  purity  and  good  effect,  as 
did  Socrates  his  fatal  cup.  And  adds  the  historian, 
"  Cent  traits  (Tune  elevation  pctrielle  avoient  fixe  sur  Pon- 
theack  Us  yeux  de$  nations  sauvages.  11  vouloit  les  reunir 
toutes  sous  les  memes  drapeaux,  pour  faire  respecter  leur 


PONTIAC.  281 

territoire  et  leur  independence.    Des  circonstances  malheu- 
reusesjirent  avorter  ce  grand  project."* 

In  the  mean  time  several  traders  brought  news  to  the 
fort  at  Micbilimakinak,  that  the  Indians  were  hostile 
to  the  English.  Major  Etherington  commanded  the 
garrison,  and  would  believe  nothing  of  it.  A  Mr. 
Ducharme  communicated  the  information  to  the  major, 
who  was  much  displeased  at  it,  "  and  threatened  to 
send  the  next  person  who  should  bring  a  story  of  the 
same  kind,  a  prisoner  to  Detroit."! 

The  garrison  at  this  time,  consisted  of  90  men,  be 
sides  two  subalterns  and  the  commander  in  chief. 
There  were  also  at  the  fort  four  English  merchants. 

Little  regard  was  paid  to  the  assembling  of  sundry 
bands  of  Indians  as  they  appeared  friendly  ;  but  when 
nearly  400  of  them  were  scattered  up  and  down 
throughout  the  place,  "  I  took  the  liberty,"  says  Mr. 
Henry,  "  of  observing  to  major  Etherington^  that  in  my 
judgment,  no  confidence  ought  to  be  placed  in  them  ; 
in  return  the  major  only  rallied  rne,  on  my  timidity.'* 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king's  birth  day,  the  In 
dians  began  as  if  to  amuse  themselves  to  play  at  a  fa 
vorite  game  of  ball,  which  they  called  baggatiway, 
which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Henry.  "  It  is  played 
with  a  bat  and  ball,  the  bat  being  about  four  feet  in 
length,  curved  and  terminated  in  a  sort  of  racket. 
Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  each  other,  as  a  mile  or  more.  Each 
party  has  its  post,  and  the  game  .consists  in  throwing 
the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  adversary.  The  ball,  at 
the  beginning,  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  course,  and 
each  party  endeavors  as  well  to  throw  the  ball  out  of 

*  Raynal,  Hist.  Philos.  et.  Politique,  &c.  ix.  89.  ed.  Gene- 
va,  1781. 

t  Travels  in  Canada  by  Alexander  Henry,  Esq.  from  which 
this  account  of  the  destruction  of  Michilimakinak  is  taken, 


282  PONTIAC. 

the  direction  of  its  own  post,  as  into  that  of  the  adver- 
sarys."  This  farce  drew  many  off  their  guard,  and 
some  of  the  garrison  went  out  to  witness  the  sport. 

"The  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continues,)  as  from 
the  description  above  will  have  been  perceived,  is  ne 
cessarily  attended  with  much  noise  and  violence.  In 
the  ardor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if 
it  cannot  be  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in 
any  direction  by  which  it  can  be  diverted  from  that  de 
signed  by  the  adversary.  At  such  a  moment,  there 
fore,  nothing  could  be  less  liable  to  excite  premature 
alarm,  than  that  the '  ball  should  be  tossed  over  the 
pickets  of  the  fort,  nor  that  having  fallen  there,  it 
should  be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  engaged  in 
the  game,  as  well  the  one  party  as  the  other,  all  eager, 
all  striving,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit 
of  a  rude  athletic  exercise."  And  this  was  their  plan, 
while  in  the  height  of  their  game  v>  throw  their  ball 
within  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  and  then  all  to  rush  in, 
'and  in  the  midst  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  gar 
rison,  and  the  stratagem  succeeded  to  their  wishes. 
They  struck  the  ball  over  the  stockade,  as  if  by  acci 
dent,  and  repeating  it  several  times,  running  in  and  out 
of  the  fort  with  all  freedom,  "  to  make  the  deception 
more  complete,"*  and  then  rushing  in  in  every  direc 
tion,  took  possession  of  the  place  without  the  least 
resistance.  They  murdered  the  soldiers  until  their 
numbers  were  so  diminished  that  they  apprehended 
nothing  from  their,  resistance.  Many  of  whom  were 
ransomed  at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a  great  price. 
Seventy  were  put  to  death,  and  the  other  twenty 
reserved  for  slaves.  A  few  days  after  a  boat  from 
Montreal,  without  knowing  what  had  happened,  came 
ashore  with  English  passengers,  who  all  fell  into  the 

*  Carver's  Travels,  19,  20;  edit.  8  vo,  Lond.  1784. 


PONTIAC.  283 

hands  of  the  Indians.  Pontiac  was  not  personally 
concerned  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a  part  of  his  design, 
and  therefore  is  very  properly  here  related. 

A  chief  named  Menehwehna,  was  the  commander  in 
chief.*  When  Pontiac  was  obliged  to  make  peace 
afterwards  at  Detroit,  he  surrendered  Michilimakinak 
again  into  the  hands  of  the  English. 

The  garrison  at  Detroit  was  closely  besieged  by 
Pontiac  in  person,  before  the  news  of  the  massacre  of 
fort  Michilimakinak  arrived  there.  It  was  garrisoned 
by  about  300  men,  and  when  Pontiac  came  with  his 
warriors,  although  in  great  numbers,  they  were  so 
intermixed  with  women  and  children,  and  brought  so 
many  commodities  for  trade,  that  no  suspicion  was 
excited,  either  in  the  jmind  of  major  Gladwin,  or  the 
inhabitants.  He  encamped  a  little  distance  from  the 
fort,  and  sent  to  the  major  to  inform  him  that  he  was 
come  to  trade,  and  preparatory  thereto,  wished  to  hold 
a  council  with  him  for  the  .purpose  of  "  brightening 
the  chain  of  peace"  between  the  English  and  his 
people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  entertained,  and  the 
major  readily  consented,  and  the  next  morning  was 
fixed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening  a  circumstance  transpired  which 
saved  the  garrison  from  a  dreadful  massacre.  An  In 
dian  woman  who  had  made  a  pair  of  moccasins  for 
major  Gladwin,  out  of  a  curious  Elk  skin,  brought 
them  home,  and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin. 
Being  much  pleased  with  them,  the  major  wished  her 
to  take  the  skin  and  make  another  pair,  as  he  had  con 
cluded  to  give  the  •thers  to  a  friend,  and  what  was 
left  to  make  into  shoes  for  herself.  She  was  then  paid 
for  her  work  and  dismissed.  But  when  those  whose 
duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear  of  strangers," 

*  Henry's  Travels. 


284  PONTIAC. 

and  to  close  the  gates  for  the  night,  went  upon  their 
duty,  this  woman  was  found  loitering  in  the  area,  and 
being  asked  what  she  wanted,  made  no  reply.  The 
major  being  informed  of  her  singular  demeanor,  direct 
ed  her  to  be  conducted  into  his  presence,  which  being 
done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not  depart  before  the 
gates  were  shut.  She  replied,  with  some  hesitation,  that 
she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the  skin,  as  he  set  so 
great  a  value  upon  it.  This  answer  was  delivered  in 
such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dissatisfied 
with  it,  and  asked  her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same 
objection  on  taking  it  in  the  first  place.  This  rather 
confused  her,  and  she  said  that  if  she  took  it  away 
now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it. 

It  was  now  evident  that  she  withheld  something 
which  she  wished  to  communicate,  but  was  restrained 
through  fear.  But  on  being  assured  by  major  Gladwin 
that  she  should  not  be  betrayed,  but  should  be  protect 
ed  and  rewarded,  if  the  information  was  valuable. 
She  then  said  that  the  chiefs  who  were  to  meet  him  in 
council  the  next  day,  had  contrived  to  murder  him  and 
take  the  garrison  and  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  death. 
Each  chief  she  said  would  come  to  the  council,  with 
so  much  cut  off  of  his  gun,  that  he  could  conceal  it 
under  his  blanket.  That  Pontiac  was  to  give  the  sig 
nal,  while  delivering  his  speech,  which  was,  when  he 
should  draw  his  peace  belt  of  wompum,  and  present 
it  to  him  in  a  certain  manner.  And  that  while  the 
council  was  sitting,  as  many  of  the  warriors  as  could, 
should  assemble  within  the  fort  armed  in  the  same 
manner,  under  the  pretence  oT  trading  with  the 
garrison. 

Having  got  all  the  information  necessary,  the  woman 
was  discharged,  and  major  Gladwin  had  every  precau- 
l^on  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into  the  best  possible 


PONTIAC.  285 

•*w. 

state  for  defence.  He  imparted  it  to  his  men,  and 
instructed  them  how  to  act,  at  the, approaching  coun 
cil  ;  at  the  same  time  sending  to  all  the  traders  in 
different  directions  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

The  next  morning  having  arrived,  every  counte 
nance  wore  a  different  aspect,  the  hour  of  the  council 
was  fast  approaching,  and  the  quick  step  and  nervous 
exercise  in  every  evolution  of  the  soldiers,  was  expres 
sive  of  an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny. 
It  was  heightened  in  the  past  night,  when  a  cry  was 
heard  in  the  Indian  encampment,  different  from  what 
was  usual  on  peace  occasions.  The  garrison  fires 
were  extinguished  and  every  man  repaired  to  his  post. 
But  the  cry  being  heard  no  more,  the  remainder  of  the 
night  was  passed  in  silence. 

The  appointed  hour  of  ten  o'clock  arrived,  and  also 
as  punctual  arrived  Pontiac  and  his  thirty-six  chiefs, 
followed  by  a  train  of  warriors,  which  when  the  stipu 
lated  number  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  were 
closed.  The  chiefs  observed  attentively  the  troops 
under  arms,  and  marching  from  place  to  place ;  two 
columns  nearly  enclosing  the  council  house,  and  both 
facing  towards  it.  On  Pontiac's  entering  the  council 
house,  he  demanded  of  major  Gladwin  the  cause  of 
so  much  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  under  arms  ; 
said  it  was  an  odd  manner  of  holding  a  council.  The 
major  told  him  it  was  onJy  to  exercise  them.  Being 
seated  upon  the  skins  prepared  for  them,  Pontiac  com 
menced  his  speech,  and  when  he  came  to  the  signal 
of  presenting  the  belt,  the  governor  and  his  attendants 
drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their  scabbards,  and 
the  soldiers  clenching  their  guns  with  firmness,  dis 
covered  to  the  chiefs  by  their  peculiar  attitudes,  that 
their  plot  was  discovered.  Pontiac,  with  all  his  bravery, 
turned  pale,  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astonish- 
24 


^00  PONTIAC. 

ment.  To  avoid  an  open  detection,  the  signal  in 
passing  the  belt  was  not  given,  and  Pontiac  closed  his 
speech,  which  contained  many  professions  of  respect 
and  affection  to  the  English.  But  when  major  Glad- 
ivin  commenced  his,  he  did  not  fail  directly  to  reproach 
Pontiac  with  treacheiy ;  told  him  he  could  not  do  any 
thing  to  ensnare  the  English,  and  that  he  knew  his 
whole  diabolical  plan.  Pontiac  tried  to  excuse  him 
self,  and  to  make  major  Gladivin  believe  that  he  had 
laid  no  plot ;  upon  which  the  major  stepped  to  the 
chief  nearest  him,  and  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  ex 
posed  his  short  gun,  which  completed  their  confusion. 
The  governor,  for  such  was  major  Gladwin,  ordered 
Pontiac  to  leave  the  fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be 
with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his  men  from  cutting 
him  in  pieces,  should  they  know  the  circumstances. 
The  governor  was  afterwards  blamed  for  thus  suffer 
ing  them  to  withdraw,  without  retaining  several  of 
them  hostages  for  the  quiet  behaviour  of  the  rest,  but 
he  having  passed  his  word  that  they  should  come  and 
go  without  hindrance  or  restraint,  perhaps  merited 
less  censure  for  keeping  and  respecting  his  own  honor, 
than  his  reproachers  for  their  censures. 

A  furious  attack  was  the  next  day  made  upon  the 
fort.  Every  stratagem  was  resorted  to.  At  one  time 
filling  a  cart  with  combustibles,  and  running  it  against 
the  pickets  to  set  them  on  fir^  At  another,  he  was 
about  to  set  fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  fiery  arrows 
into  it ;  but  religious  scruples  averted  its  execution  : 
the  priest  telling  him  that  it  would  call  down  the  anger 
of  God  upon  him.  They  had  frequently  during  the 
siege,  endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  as  to 
make  a  breach.  Major  Gladwin  ordered  his  men,  at 
last,  to  cut  on  the  inside  at  the  same  time,  and  assist 
them.  This  was  done,  and  when  a  breach  was  made 


PONTIAC,  287 

there  was  a  rush  upon  the  outside  towards  the  breach, 
and  at  the  same  instant,  a  brass  four  pounder,  which 
had  been  levelled  for  the  purpose,  was  shot  off,  which 
made  a  dreadful  slaughter  among  them.  After  this 
they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and  cut  off  its  supplies, 
and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  for  some  time  subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

A  bloody  scene  was  now  to  follow.  Capt.  Delzel 
with  200  men,  went  out  of  the  fort  before  break  of 
day,  on  the  9th  of  August,  1763,  to  fight  Pontiac  in 
his  carnp ;  but  the  wary  chief  had  runners  out,  who 
gave  him  timely  notice,  and  be  met  them  in  an  advan 
tageous  place,  and  being  vastly  superior  in  numbers, 
and  concealed  behind  a  picket  fence,  near  a  bridge 
where  the  English  were  to  pass,  poured  in  upon  them 
a  dreadful  fire.  Many  fell  at  the  first  onset,  but  they 
kept  their  order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the 
bridge  they  had  just  passed.  They  effected  their  pur 
pose,  but  many  fell  in  the  attempt,  among  whom  was 
capt.  Delzel.  The  famous  major  Rogers,  the  second 
in  command,  and  lieut.  Breham  with  about  200  others 
recovered  the  fort.  This  bridge,  where  so  many  brave 
men  were  slain,  is  called  to  this  day  bloody  bridge. 
Pontiac  ordered  the  head  of  capt.  Delzel  to  be  cut  off 
and  set  upon  a  post.  Between  eighty  and  a  hundred 
dead  bodies  were  counted  upon  the  bridge  the  next 
morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  passage. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Pontiac,  which  were  destined  to  supply  the 
garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated.  The  gar 
rison  was  in  great  straits  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of 
men,  as  well  as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual 
watching.  In  this  time  of  despondency,  there  now 
arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought  them 
supplies  of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  this  kind  could 


288  PONTIAC. 

be  landed  without  Pontiac's  knowledge,  and  he  deter 
mined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the  schooner  ;  a  detachment 
made  the  attempt,  and  to  save  herself,  the  vessel  was 
obliged  to  tack  short  about  and  proceed  in  an  oppo 
site  direction.  The  Indians  followed  her,  and  by 
*  continually  firing  into  her,  killed  almost  every  man, 
and  at  length  boarded  her.  As  they  were  climbing 
up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in  every  quarter,  the  captain, 
determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  alive,  ordered  the 
gunner  to  set  fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  up  to 
gether.  This  was  heard  by  a  Huron  chief,  who  un 
derstood  enough  of  English  to  know  what  was  going 
forward,  and  instantly  communicating  it  to  his  follow 
ers,  they  disengaged  themselves  from  the  vessel  as  fast 
as  possible,  and  while  they  fled  from  her  in  a  fright, 
at  considerable  distance,  they  took  the  advantage  of  a 
wind  and  arrived  safe  back  to  the  fort.  In  the  pursuit 
of  the  vessel,  the  Indians  discovered  extreme  temerity, 
often  coming  so  close  to  the  schooner  as  to  be  severely 
burned  by  the  discharge  of  her  guns. 

Many  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous 
siege,  but  it  is  believed  the  preceding  are  all  that  are 
well  authenticated. 

Pontiac  having  invested  Detroit  now  for  about 
twelve  months,  and  the  news  having  been  carried  to 
various  parts  of  the  British  empire,  extensive  prepara 
tions  were  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power.  Pon 
tiac,  aware  of  the  movements  of  gen.  Bradstreet,  who 
was  proceeding  for  Detroit  with  an  army  of  3000  men, 
sued  for  peace,  which  was  granted  him,  and  his  war 
riors  retired  to  their  hunting  grounds.  He  seems  now 
to  have  laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  English, 
and  became  their  friend  ;  and  to  reward  his  attach 
ment,  the  government  granted  him  a  liberal  pension. 
But  it  is  reported  that  he  became  suspected  afterward, 


POWHATAN.  289 

and  as  he  was  going  to  hold  a  council  among  the  In 
dians  in  Illinois,  upon  the  part  of  the  English,  a  spy 
attended  him  to  observe  his  conduct.  In  his  speech 
he  betrayed  the  English  and  discovered  his  former 
enmity  against  them.  When  he  had  finished,  the  In 
dians  who  had  accompanied  him  plunged  a  knife  into 
his  breast,  and  thus  ended  the  days  of  a  chief  whose 
name  has  been  renowned  for  the  greatest  exploits.* 

f*OWlltttaVl)  the  most  famous  chief  known  to 
the  English  in  Virginia.  They  at  first  supposed  that 
his  was  the  name  of  the  country,  as  indeed  was  the 
case,  though  not  to  the  extent  that  they  at  first  appre 
hended.  A  great  river  and  bay  also  bore  his  name. 
He  had  three  brothers  Opitchepan,  Opekankanough  and 
Catataugh;  and  two  sisters.  His  principal  residence 
was  at  a  place  called  Werowocomoco,  when  the  Eng 
lish  came  into  the  country ;  which  was  upon  the 
north  side  of  what  is  now  York  river,  in  the  county 
of  Gloucester,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Queen's 
creek,  and  about  twenty-five  miles  below  the  fork  of 
the  river.f  He  lived  here  until  the  English  began  to 
intrude  themselves  into  his  vicinity,  when  he  took  up 
his  residence  at  Orakakes. 

Powhatan  was  not  his  Indian  name,  or  rather  origi 
nal  name  ;  that  was  Wahunsonacock.  He  is  described 
as  tall  and  well  proportioned — bearing  an  aspect  of 
sadness — exceedingly  vigorous,  and  possessing  a  body 
capable  of  sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was  in 
1607,  about  sixty  years  of  age,  and  his  hair  considera 
bly  grey,  which  gave  him  a  majestic  appearance.  At 

*  For  some  of  the  facts  in  this  account  we  are  indebted  to 
Mr.  McKcnnie's  Tour  to  the  Lakes. 

t  About  two  miles  below  where  Richmond  now  stands. 
The  farm  of  a  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Mayo,  included  the 
site  of  a  part  of  his  town,  in  1813.— Campbell's  Virginia. 


* 


290  POWHATAN. 

his  residence,  he  had  a  kind  of  wooden  form,  to  sit 
upon,  and  his  ornamental  robe  was  of  raccoon  skins, 
and  his  head  dress  was  composed  of  many  feathers 
wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He  swayed  many  na 
tions  upon  the  great  rivers  and  bays,  the  chief  of  whom 
he  had  conquered.  He  originally  claimed  only  the 
places  called  Powhatan,  (since  named  Haddihaddocks,) 
Arrohattock,  (now  Appomattox,)  Youghtanund,  Pa- 
munky,  Mattapony,  Werowocomoco,  and  Kiskiak  ;  at 
which  time,  his  chief  seat  was  at  Powhatan,  near  the 
falls  of  James'  river.  But  when  he  had  extended  his 
conquest  a  great  way  north,  he  removed  to  Werowo 
comoco,  as  a  more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  coun 
try  upon  James'  river,  from  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and 
all  its  branches,  was  the  boundary  of  his  country, 
southerly — and  so  across  the  country,  "  nearly  as  high 
as  the  falls  of  all  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack, 
even  to  Patuxent,  in  Maryland,"  and  some  of  the  na 
tions  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeak.  His 
dominions,  according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not 
fall  to  his  children,  but  to  his  brothers,  and  then  to 
his  sisters,  (the  oldest  first,)  thence  to  the  heirs  of  the 
oldest :  but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  males. 

He  usually  kept  a  guard  of  forty  or  fifty  of  the  most 
resolute  and  well  formed  men  about  him,  especially 
when  he  slept ;  but  after  the  English  came  into  his 
country,  he  increased  them  to  about  two  hundred. 
He  had  as  many  and  such  women  as  he  pleased  ;  and 
when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  head  and  another  at  his 
feet.  When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  be 
stowed  them  upon  such  of  his  men  as  most  pleased 
him.  Like  the  New  England  chiefs,  he  had  many 
places  where  he  passed  certain  seasons  of  the  year ;  at 
some  of  which  he  had  very  spacious  wigwams,  thirty 


PO  WHAT  AN.  291 

or  forty  yards  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provid 
ed  against  his  coming. 

In  1608,  he  surprised  the  people  of  Payankatank, 
who  were  his  neighbors  and  subjects.  Captain  Smith, 
in  the  account,  "  writ  with  his  own  hand,"  says,  "  the 
occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was 
thus."  He  sent  several  of  his  men  to  lodge  with  them 
the  night  on  which  he  meant  to  fall  upon  them,  then 
secretly  surrounding  them  in  their  wigwams,  com 
menced  a  horrid  slaughter.  They  killed  twenty-four 
men,  took  off  their  scalps,  and  with  the  women  and 
children  prisoners,  returned  to  his  village.  The  scalps 
they  exhibited  upon  a  line  between  two  trees,  as  a 
trophy,  and  the  Werowance  (their  name  of  a  chief,) 
and  his  wife,  Powhatan  made  his  servants. 

From  1585  to  1607,  every  attempt  to  settle  a  colo 
ny  in  Virginia,  had  failed  ;  and  at  this  time  would 
have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled  perseverance 
of  one  man.  I  need  but  pronounce  the  nanie  of  capt. 
John  Smith.  The  colony  with  which  he  came  did  not 
arrive  until  the  planting  season  was  over ;  and  in  a 
short  time  they  found  themselves  in  a  suffering  condi 
tion,  from  want  of  suitable  provisions.  Smith  there 
fore,  undertook  to  gain  a  supply  by  trafficking  with  the 
Indians  back  in  the  country.  They  being  acquainted 
with  their  hard  situation,  insulted  him  and  his  men 
wherever  they  came ;  offering  them  but  a  handful  of 
corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread,  for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "  But 
seeing  by  trade  and  courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be 
had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such  conclusions  as  necessi- 
tie  iriforced,  though  contrary  to  his  commission."  So 
fired  upon  them,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He 
then  marched  to  their  village.  There  they  found  corn 
in  abundance,  which,  after  some  manoeuvring,  he  suc- 


293  POWHATAIf, 

ceeded  in  trading  for,  and  returned  with  a  supply  to 
Jamestown. 

He  soon  after  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of 
the  Chikahamania.  When  he  had  passed  up  as  far 
as  it  was  navigable  for  his  barge,  he  left  it  in  a  wide 
place,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore,  and  ordered 
his  men  not  to  go  on  shore  on  any  condition.  Taking 
two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians,  he  proceeded 
to  complete  his  discovery.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone, 
his  men  went  on  shore,  one  was  killed  and  the  rest 
hardly  escaped.  Smith  was  now  twenty  miles  into 
the  wilderness.  Opekankanough  with  300  warriors, 
having  learned  from  the  men  they  had  just  taken, 
which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  him,  and  came 
upon  the  two  Englishmen  belonging  to  his  company  ; 
he  being  absent  to  shoot  some  fowls  for  provisions, 
they  killed  them  both  while  asleep,  and  continued 
their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  from  his 
canoe,  and  endeavored  to  retreat  to  it,  but  being  hard 
pressed,  made  a  shield  of  one  of  his  Indians,  and  in 
this  manner  fought  upon  the  retreat,  until  he  had  kill 
ed  three  and  wounded  divers  others.  Being  obliged 
to  give  all  his  attention  to  his  pursuers,  accidentally 
fell  into  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  deep  that  he 
could  not  extricate  himself.  Even  now,  none  dare  to 
lay  hands  upon  him  j  and  those  whom  their  own  num 
bers  forced  nearest  to  him,  were  observed  to  tremble 
with  fear.  The  Indian  he  had  bound  to  his  arm  with 
his  garters,  doubtless  saved  him  from  being  killed  by 
their  arrows,  from  which  he  received  but  very  little 
hurt,  except  a  wound  in  his  thigh,  though  his  clothes 
were  shot  full  of  them. 

When  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without 
perishing  with  cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suf 
fered  them  to  come  and  take  him.  After  pulling1  him 


POWHATAN. 


"693 


out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  place  where  his 
men  had  just  been  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire. 
They  now  showed  him  kindness,  rubbing  his  benumb 
ed  limbs,  and  warming  him  by  the  fire.  He  asked 
for  their  chief,  and  Opekankanough  appeared,  to  whom 
Smith  gave  a  small  compass.  This  amused  them  ex 
ceedingly.  "Much  they  marvelled  at  the  playing  of 
the  fly  and  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  plainly, 
and  yet  not  touch  it,  because  of  the  glass  that  covered 
them.  But  when  he  demonstrated  by  that  globe-like 
lewell,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth,  and  skies,  the 
spheare  of  the  sunne,  and  moone,  and  starres,  and 
how  the  sunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
world,  continually — the  greatnesse  of  the  land  and 
sea,  the  diversity  of  the  nations,  varietie  of  complex 
ions,  and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and  many 
other  such-like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  with 
admiration  ! "  Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had  such  suc 
cess  in  explaining  to  them  his  knowledge  of  geography 
and  astronomy,  (how  much  of  it  they  understood  we 
will  not  undertake  to  say,)  within  an  hour  after,  they 
tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  multitude  of  them  seemed 
prepared  to  shoot  him.  But  when  their  bows  were 
bent,  Opekankanough  held  up  his  compass,  and  they 
all  laid  down  their  weapons.  They  now  led  him  to 
Orapakas,  a  temporary  seat  of  Powhatan,  on  the  north 
side  of  Chikahominy  swamp.  Here  they  feasted  him, 
and  treated  him  well. 

When  they  marched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up 
in  a  row  with  their  chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom 
the  guns  and  swords  they  had  taken  from  the  English 
were  borne.  Smith  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men 
hold  of  each  arm,  and  on  each  side  six  more,  with 
their  arrows  notched,  and  ready,  if  he  should  attempt 
to  escape.  At  the  town  they  danced  and  sung  about 


194 

him,  and  then  put  him  into  a  large  house  or  wigwam  ; 
here  they  kept  him  so  well,  that  he  thought  they  were 
fatting  him  to  kill  and  eat.  They  took  him  to  a  sick 
man  to  cure  him,  but  he  told  them  he  could  not,  unless 
they  would  let  him  go  to  Jamestown  and  get  some 
thing  with  which  he  could  do  it ;  this  they  would  not 
consent  to. 

The  taking  of  Jamestown  was  flow  resolved  upon, 
and  they  made  great  preparations  for  it.  For  which 
end  they  endeavored  to  get  Smith's  assistance,  by  mak 
ing  large  promises  of  land  and  women  ;  but  he  told 
them  it  could  not  be  done,  and  described  to  them  the 
great  difficulty  of  the  undertaking,  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  were  greatly  terrified.  With  the  idea  of 
procuring  something  curious,  Smith  prevJJle'd  upon 
some  of  them  to  go  to  Jamestown  ;  which  journey 
they  performed  in  the  most  severe,  frosty  and  snowy 
weather.  By  this  means,  he  gave  the  people  there 
to  understand  what  his  situation  was,  and  what  was 
intended  against  them,  by  sending  a  leaf  from  his 
pocket-book,  with  a  few  words  written  upon  it.  He 
wrote  also  for  a  few  articles  to  be  sent,  which  were 
duly  brought  by  the  messengers.  Nothing  had  caused 
such  astonishment,  as  their  bringing  the  very  articles 
Smith  had  promised  them.  That  he  could  talk  to  his 
friends  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  utterly  incompre 
hensible  to  them. 

Being  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying 
Jamestown,  they  amused  themselves  by  taking  their 
captive  from  place  to  place  in  great  pomp  and  triumph, 
to  show  him  to  the  different  nations  of  the  dominions 
of  Powhatan.  Being  taken  to  Youghtannund,  since 
called  Pamunkey  river,  the  country  over  which  Opt- 
kankanoitgh  was  chief,  whose  principal  residence  was 
where  the  town  of  Pamunkey  since  was  ;  thence  to 


POWHATAN.  295 

the  Mattaponies,  Piankatanks,  the  Nautaughtacunds, 
on  Rappahanock,  the  Nominies,  on  the  Patowmack 
river;  thence  in  a  circuitous  course  through  several 
other  nations,  back  again  to  the  residence  of  Opekan- 
kanough.  Here  they  practiced  conjurations  upon  him 
for  three  successive  days  ;  to  ascertain,  as  they  said, 
whether  he  intended  them  good  or  evil.  This  proves 
they  viewed  him  a  kind  of  god.  A  bag  of  gun  pow 
der  having  fallen  into  their  hands,  they  preserved  it 
with  great  care,  thinking  it  to  be  a  grain,  intending  in 
the  spring  to  plant  it,  as  they  did  corn.  He  was  here 
again  feasted,  and  none  could  eat  until  he  had  done. 

Being  now  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  the 
manoeuvres  with  him  that  they  could  think  of,  they 
proceeded  to  Powhatan.  "Here  more  then  200  of 
those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at  him,  as  he 
had  been  a  monster,  till  Powhatan  and  his  trayne  had 
put  themselves  in  their  greatest  braveries."  He  was 
seated  before  a  fire,  upon  a  seat  like  a  bedstead,  hav 
ing  on  a  robe  of  raccoon  skins,  "and  all  the  tayles 
hanging  by."  On  each  side  of  him  sat  a  young  wo 
man — and  upon  each  side  of  the  house  two  rows  of 
men,  and  with  as  many  women  behind  them.  These 
last  had  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted  red — some 
of  whose  heads  were  adorned  with  white  down ;  and 
about  their  necks  white  beads.  On  Smith's  being 
brought  into  the  presence  of  Powhatan,  all  present 
joined  in  a  great  shout.  "  The  queen  of  Apamatuck 
was  appointed  p  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands, 
and  another  brought  him  a  bunch  of  feathers  instead, 
of  a  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then  having  feasted  him 
again,  "  after  their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could, 
a  long  consultation  was  held,  but  the  conclusion  was, 
two  great  stones  were  brought  before  Powhatan — then 
as  many  as  could  lay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to 


296  POWHATAN. 

them  and  thereon  laid  his  head,  and  being  ready  with 
their  clubs  to  beat  out  his  brains,  Pocahontas,  the  king's 
dearest  daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  prevail,  got 
his  head  in  her  armes,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to 
save  him  from  death."  Powhatan  could  no  longer 
resist  the  entreaty  of  his  daughter,  and  thus  was  saved 
the  life  of  Smith,  whom  he  designed  to  employ  to  make 
for  him  robes,  shoes,  bows,  arrows,  arid  pots;  and 
bells,  beads,  and  copper  trinkets  for  Pocahontas.  Pow- 
hatari's  son,  named  Nantaquaus,  was  very  friendly  to 
Smith,  and  rendered  him  many  important  services. 

"Two  days  after,  Powhatan  having  disguised  himself 
in  the  most  fearfullest  manner  he  could,  caused  cap 
tain  Smith  to  be  brought  forth  to  a  great  house  in  the 
woods,  and  there  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire  to  be  left 
alone.  Not  long  after,  from  behinde  a  mat  that  divid 
ed  the  house,  was  made  the  most  dolefullest  noyse  he 
ever  heard ;  then  Powhatan,  more  like  a  devill  then  a 
man,  with  some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came 
unto  him,  and  told  him,  now  they  were  friends  ;  and 
presently  he  should  go  to  James-towne,  to  send  him 
two  great  gunnes,  and  a  gryndestone,  for  which  he 
would  give  him  the  country  of  Capahowosick,  [Capa- 
howsick,]  and  forever  esteem  <him  his  sonne,  Nantu- 
quoud.  So  to  James-towne  with  twelve  guides  Pow 
hatan  sent  him.  That  night  they  quartered  in  the 
woods,  he  still  expecting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long 
time  of  his  imprisonment,)  every  hour  to  be  put  to  one 
death  or  another."  Early  the  next  morning,  they 
came  to  the  fort  at  Jamestown.  Here  he  treated  his 
guides  with  the  greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and 
showed  to  Rawhunt,  one  of  Powhatan's  most  trusty 
servants,  two  demi-culverins  and  a  millstone  to  carry 
to  his  chief.  "  They  found  them  somewhat  too  heavie, 
but  when  they  did  see  him  discharge  them,  being 


POWHATAN. 


297 


loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughs  of  a  great  tree 
loaded  with  isickles,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so 
bumbling  down,  that  the  poore  salvages  ran  away  half 
dead  with  fear.  But  at  last  we  regained  some  con 
ference  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and 
sent  to  Powhatan,  his  women,  and  children  such  pre 
sents,  and  gave  them  in  generall  full  content."* 

Powhatan  was  now  completely  in  the  English  inter 
est,  and  almost  every  other  day  sent  his  daughter,  Poca- 
Iwntas,  with  victuals  to  Jamestown,  of  which  they  were 
greatly  in  need.  Smith  had  told  Powhatan  that  a  great 
chief,  which  was  captain  Newport,  would  arrive  from 
England  about  that  time,  which  coming  to  pass  as  he 
had  said,  greatly  increased  his  admiration  of  the  wis 
dom  of  the  English,  and  he  was  ready  to  do  as  they 
desired  in  every  thing  ;  and  but  for  the  vanity  and 
ostentation  of  Newpoii,,  matters  would  have  gone  on 
well,  and  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advantage. 
But  he  lavished  so  many  presents  upon  Powhatan,  that 
he  was  in  no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon  began  to 
show  his  haughtiness,  by  demanding  five  times  the 
value  of  an  article,  or  his  contempt  for  what  was 
offered. 

By  Newport's  imprudence,  what  had  cost  Smith  so 
much  toil  and  pains  to  achieve,  was  blown  away  by  a 
single  breath  of  vanity.  Nevertheless,  his  great  mind, 
continually  exercised  in  difficult  matters,  brought  the 
subtle  chief  again  to  his  own  terms.  Himself,  with 
Newport,  and  about  twenty  others,  went  to  Powhatan's. 
residence  to  trade  with  him.  "  Wherein  Powhatan 
carried  himself  so  proudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his  salv 
age  manner,)  as  made  us  all  to  admire  his  natural 

*  This  is  captain  Smith's  own  account,  which  I  shall  follow 
minutely  ;  adding  occasionally  from  Stith,  to  illustrate  the 
geography  of  the  country. 

25 


298 


POWHATAN. 


gifts."  He  pretended  that  it  was  far  beneath  Us  dignity 
to  trade  as  his  men  did.  Thus  his  craft  to  obtain  from 
Newport  his  goods  for  whatever  he  pleased  to  give  in 
return.  Smith  saw  through  the  plot  and  advised  New 
port,  but  he  being  determined  to  show  himself  with  as 
much  dignity  as  the  Indian  chief,  was  left  to  repent  of 
his  folly,  like  too  many  others,  when  it  was  too  late. 
Smith  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  Newport 
the  chief.  Powhatan  made  a  speech  to  him,  when 
they  were  about  to  enter  upon  trading.  He  said, 
"  Captain  Newport,  it  is  not  agreeable  to  any  greatness, 
in  this  peddling  manner  to  trade  for  trifles ;  and  I 
esteem  you  also  a  great  Werowance.  Therefore  lay 
me  down  all  your  commodities  together  ;  what  I  like, 
I  will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I  think 
fitting  their  value."  Accordingly,  Newport  gave  him 
all  his  goods,  and  received  in  return  only  about  three 
bushels  of  corn,  for  what  they  expected  to  have  had 
twenty  hogsheads.  This  business  created  some  hard 
thoughts  between  Smith  and  Newport. 

If  it  add  to  raise  Powhatan  in  our  admiration,  it  can 
detract  nothing  from  the  character  of  Smith,  to  say 
that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Indian  chief.  For 
with  a  few  blue  beads,  which  he  pretended  that  he 
had  shown  him  only  by  accident,  and  which  he  would 
hardly  part  with,  as  he  pretended,  because  they  were 
of  great  price,  and  worn  only  by  great  kings.  This 
tantalization,  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Powhatan  was 
so  infatuated  with  the  lure,  that  he  was  almost  beside 
himself,  and  was  ready  to  give  all  he  had,  to  possess 
them.  "So  that  ere  we  departed,"  says  my  relation, 
"  for  a  pound  or  two  of  blew  beades,  he  brought  over 
my  king  for  2  or  300  bushells  of  come." 

An  English  boy  was  left  with  Powhatan,  by  captain 
Newport,  to  learn  the  language,  manner,  customs  and 


POWHATAN.  299 

geography  of  his  country;  and  in  return,  he  gave  him 
JVamontack,  one  of  his  servants,  of  a  shrewd  and  subtle 
capacity,  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England. 
Powhatan  became  offended  with  captain  Smith  when 
Newport  left  the  country,  in  1608  ;  at  whose  departure 
he  sent  him  twenty  turkies,  and  demanded  in  return 
twenty  swords,  which  were  granted.  Shortly  after, 
he  sent  the  same  number  to  Smith,  expecting  the  like 
return ;  but  being  disappointed,  ordered  his  men  to 
seize  them  wherever  they  could  find  them.  This 
caused  difficulty — many  of  the  English  being  robbed 
of  their  swords,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  forts.  They 
continued  their  depredations  until  Smith  surprized  a 
number  of  them,  from,  whom  he  learned  that  Powhatan 
was  endeavoring  to  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power, 
to  be  able  to  massacre  the  English.  When  he  found 
that. his  plot  was  discovered,  he  sent  Pocahontas  with 
presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  pretended  that  the 
mischief  was  done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable 
chiefs.  He  directed  her  to  endeavor  to  effect  the  re 
lease  of  his  men  that  were  prisoners,  which  Smith 
consented  to,  wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  her  account ; 
and  thus  peace  was  restored,  which  had  been  continu 
ally  interrupted  for  a  considerable  time  past, 
i  On  the  10th  of  September,  1608,  Smith  was  elected 
governor  of  Virginia.  Newport,  going  often  to  Eng 
land,  had  a  large  share  in  directing  the  affairs  of  the 
colony,  from  his  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He 
arrived  about  this  time,  and  among  other  baubles, 
brought  over  a  crown  for  Powhatan,  with  directions 
for  his  coronation  ;  which  had  the  ill  effect  to  make 
him  value  himself  more  than  ever.  Neivport  was  in 
structed  to  discover  the  country  of  the  Monacans,  a 
nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was  at  war,  and  whom 
they  would  assist  him  against.  Captain  Smith  was 


'"" 


300  POWHAT 


sent  to  him  to  invite  him  to.  Jamestown  to  receive 
presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  arriving  at  Wero- 
wocornoco,  and  delivering  his  message  to  the  old  chief, 
he  replied,  "  If  your  king  have  sent  me  presents  I  also 
am  a  king,  and  this  is  my  land.  •  Eight  days  I  will 
stay  to  receive  them.  Your  father  [meaning  Newport] 
is  to  come  to  me,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — - 
neither  will  I  bite  at  such  a  bate.  As  for  the  Mona- 
cans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuries;  and  as  for  At- 
quanachuck,  where  you  say  your  brother  was  slain,  it 
is  a  contrary  way  from  those  parts  you  suppose  it ;  but 
for  any  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  the  relations 
you  have  had  from  my  people  are  false."  Some  of 
them  had  made  the  English  believe  that  the  South  sea. 
now  called  the  Pacific  ocean,  was  but  a  short  distance 
back.  To  show  Smith  the  absurdity  of  the  story,  he 
drew  a  map  of  the  country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith 
returned  as  he  went. 

A  house  was  built  for  him  about  this  time,  by  some 
Germans,  who  came  over  with  Newport.  These  men 
thinking  that  the  English  could  not  subsist  in  the 
country,  wantonly  betrayed  all  the  secrets  of  the  Eng 
lish  to  Powhaiany  which  was  again  the  source  of  much 
trouble.  They  indeed  urged  him  to  put  all  the  Eng 
lish  to  death,  agreeing  to  live  with  him  and  assist  him 
in  the  execution.  Powhatan  was  pleased  at  the  pro 
position,  and  thought  by  their  assistance  to  effect  what 
he  had  formerly  hoped  to  do  by  engaging  Smith,  in 
such  an  enterprise.  Their  first  object  was  to  kill 
captain  Smith  ;  by  which  act  the  chief  obstacle  would 
be  removed.  Accordingly  they  took  every  means  in 
their  power  to  effect  it.  Having  sent  for  Smith  to  come 
and  trade  with  him,  used  every  art  he  was  master  of, 
to  make  him  and  his  men  to  leave  their  arms  behind 
them,  but  failing,  to  avoid  trading  with  him,  absented 


HATAJf.  301 

himself,  until  night,  when  he  meant  to  come  upon  him 
with  his  people,  and  kill  him  in  his  cabin.  Here  he 
was  again  saved  by  Pocahontas*  She  came  alone  in  a 
dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed  Smith 
of  her  father's  design.  For  this  most  signal  favor,  he 
offered  her  whatever  he  had,  that  he  thought  would 
please  her,  but  she  would  accept  of  nothing.  And 
with  tears  standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  father 
should  see  her  with  any  thing,  he  would  mistrust  her, 
and  instant  death  would  be  her  reward  ;  and  she  re 
tired  by  herself  into  the  woods,  as  she  came. 

Poivhatan  was  so  exasperated  at  the  failure  of  his 
plots,  that  he  threatened  death  to  his  men  if  they  did 
not  kill  Smith.  Not  long  after,  a  circumstance  occur 
red,  which  gave  him  security  the  rest  of  his  adminis 
tratiou.  One  of  Powhataii's  men  having  by  some 
means  got  a  quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  he 
could  manage  it  like  the  English.  Several  came  about 
him,  to  witness  his  dexterity,  when  by  some  means  it 
took  fire,  "and  blew  him,  with  one  or  two  more,  to 
death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  them,  and  so 
amazed  and  frightened  Powhatan,  that  they  came  from 
all  directions,  and  desired  peace  ;  many  of  whom  re 
turned  stolen  articles  that  the  English  had  never  miss 
ed.  He  would  now  send  to  Jamestown  such  of  his 
men  as  had  injured  the  English,  that  they  might  be 
dealt  with  as  they  deserved.  The  same  year,,  1609, 
he  sent  them  nearly  half  his  crop  oj  corn,  knowing 
them  to  be  greatly  in  want. 

Captain  Smith  having  by  accident,  been  shockingly 
burned  by  his  powder-bag  taking  fire,  for  want  of  sur 
gical  aid,  was  obliged  to  go  to  England  and  leave  the 
country,  to  which  he  never  returned.  He  published 
the  account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  his 

n  adventures,  which  is  almost  the  only  authority 


, 

302  POWHATABV 

'  ••  ' 

for  the  early  history  of  that  country.     He  died  In  Lon 
don,  in  1631,  in  the  52d  year  of  his  age. 


Thou  thus  admir'd, 


Didst  make  proud  Poichatan,  his  subjects  send, 
To  lames  his  towne,  thy  censure  to  attend : 
And  all  Virgina's  lords,  and  pettie  kings, 
Aw'd  by  thy  vertue,  crouch,  and  presents  brings, 
To  gain  thy  grace  ;   so  dreaded  thou  hast  beene  : 
And  yet  a  heart  more  milde  is  seldome  scene."  * 

The  Dutchmen  who  had  been  so  assiduous  to  bring 
ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One 
of  them  died  in  wretchedness,  and  two  others  had 
their  brains  beat  out  by  order  of  Powhatan,  for  their 
deception." 

After  Smith  had  left  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made 
to*  believe  that  he  was  dead.  Powhatan  doubted  the 
report,  and  sometime  after  ordered  one  of  his  coun 
sellors,  named  Uttamatomakin,  or  Tomocomo,  who  was 
taken  to  England,  to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he 
was.  He  instructed  him,  also,  to  note  the  number  of 
the  people — to  learn  the  state  of  the  country,  and  if 
he  found  Smith,  to  make  him  show  him  the  God  of 
the  English,  and  the  king  and  queen.  Wh.en  he  ar 
rived  at  Plimouth,  he  took  a  long  stick,  and  began  to 
perform  a  part  of  his  mission  by  cutting  a  notch  for 
every  person  he  should  see.  But  he  soon  gave  up 
that  business.  His  remarkable  speech  is  given  in  the 
life  of  Pocahontqp. 

The  difficulties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Pow 
and  the  English  ;  very  little  time  passed,  while 
he  lived,  but  what  was  full  of  broils  and  dissatisfaction, 
on  the  one  part  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  will 
fell  under  our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary 

*  Laudatory  verses  affixed  to  the  first  volume  of  his  history 
of  Virginia . 


PUMHAM.  303 

characteristics  as  Powhatan.  He  died  at  peace  with 
the  English,  in  April,  1618,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Opitchapan,  his  second  brother,  who  was  known  after 
wards  by  the  name  of  Itopatin. 

JProfihct*  an  elder  brother  of  Tecumsek,  noted 
for  his  great  success  in  spreading  infatuation  among 
his  countrymen.  He  may  justly  be  termed  an  impos 
tor,  as  it  was  impossible  that  he  could  believe  himself 
capable  of  performing  superhuman  actions.  His  his 
tory  being  intimately  connected  with  that  of  Tecumseh, 
what  we  have  to  say  of  him  will  appear  under  that 
head.  His  true  name  is  Ellskwatawa. 

JPffMf7fYf/Mi-9  sachem  of  Shawomet,  now  War 
wick  in  Rhode  Island,  a  noble  and  heroic  chief  who 
died  fighting  valiantly  in  Philip^s  war.  We  have  been 
obliged  already  to  say  copsiderabie  concerning  him  in 
our  accounts  of  Miantunnomoh,  Philip,  and  several  oth 
ers.  In  relating  his  capture  and  death,  Mr.  Hubbard 
says*  "  he  was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sa 
chems  that  belonged  to  the  Narragansets ;  whose 
courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that  after  he  had 
been  mortally  wounded  in  the  fight  so  as  himself  could 
not  stand  ;  yet  catching  hold  of  an  Englishman  that 
by  accident  came  near  him,  had  done  him  mischief  if 
he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his  fel 
lows."  This  was  in  July,  1676.  Pumham,  with  a  few 
followers,  had  for  some  time  secreted  themselves  in 
Dedham  f  woods,  where  it  was  supposed  they  were 
"  almost  starved  for  want  of  victuals."  In  this  sad  con 
dition  they  were  fallen  upon  by  the  English  under 
capt.  Hunting,  who  killed  fifteen  and  took  thirty-five 

*  Narrative,  100,  4to.  edition. 

f  Woollummonuppogue  was  its  Indian  name,  or  a  past 
of  it. 


304  PITMHAM. 

of  them  without  resistance.*  They  found  here  con 
siderable  plunder  ;  "  besides  kettles,  there  was  about 
half  a  bushel  of  Wampumpeag,  which  the  enemy  lost, 
and  twelve  pounds  of  powder,  which  the  captives  say 
they  had  received  from  Albany  but  two  days  before."f 
A  son  of  Pumham  was  among  the  captives,  "a  very 
likely  youth,"  says  Hubb<ird,\  "  and  one  whose  counte 
nance  would  have  bespoke  favor  for  him,  had  he  not 
belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his 
father  was."  It  would  seem  from  this  horrid  account 
that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr.  Mather  says  he  was 
carried  prisoner  to  Boston.  From  the  same  author  we 
must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the  father's  death. 
"  This  Pumham,  after  he  was  wounded  so  as  that  he 
could  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  was  thought  to  have 
been  dead,  made  a  shift,  (as  the  soldiers  were  pursuing 
others,)  to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the  way,  but  was  found 
again,  and  when  an  Englishman  drew  near  to  him, 
though  he  could  not  stand,  he  died,  (like  a  beast,)  in 
rage  and  revenge,  get  hold  on  the  soldier's  head  and 
had  like  to  have  killed  him,  had  not  another  come  in 
to  his  help,  and  rescued  him  out  of  the  enraged  dying 
hands  of  that  bloody  barbarian."  § 

A  short  time  before  this  a  grandson  of  this  chief  was 
killed  by  a  party  under  Denison,\\  "  who  was  also  a 
sachem,  and  another  sachern  called  Ckickon"  Pum- 
ham's  town  was  destroyed  soon  after  the  Narraganset 
fight,  which  it  is  said  contained  "near  100  wigwams." 
About  1645,  Pumham  and  Soconanoco  complained  to 
the  court  of  Massachusetts,  "that  many  Indians  living 

*  MS.  Narrative  of  rev.  T.  Collet,      t  Narrative  et  supra. 
t  Mather's   brief  Hist.  43.  §   MS.  Documents. 

|i  Many  write  D'ennison,  but  his  own  signature  in  my 
possession  is  as  in  the  text. 


QUANNAPOHIT.  305 

twenty  miles  beyond  them"  have  come  and  settled  upon 
their  lands,  and  they  desired  assistance  to  remove 
them,  "  they  not  being  able  themselves."  * 

Quflflctjllina^  brother  of  Massasoit,  and  proba 
bly  of  Akkompom,  or  Unkompaen.  All  that  can  be  gath 
ered  of  him  is  related  in  the  Life  of  Massasoit.  His 
name  is  among  those  subscribed  to  articles  of  submis 
sion. 

(flf(t)tOHCltCt^  the  same  as  Canonchet,  which 
see.  Dr.  Mather  usually  began  him  with  a  7,  but  Mr. 
Hubbard  always  with  a  c.  In  speaking  of  his  death, 
the  former  f  says  he  "  he  was  a  principal  ringleader  in 
the  Narraganset  war,  and  had  as  great  an  interest  and 
influence  as  can  be  said  of  any  among  the  Indians ;" 
and  that  "the  English  caused  the  Pequods, Mohegans, 
and  Ninnegret  Indians  to  joyn  together  in  shooting 
him." 

QUftHMft-fWhit,  (James,)  called  also Quanapaug: 
His  history  being  so  entirely  interwoven  with  that  of 
Job  Katenanit  that  we  have  given  it  in  connexion  with 
that  head,  except  some  particulars  -which  have  come 
to  light  since  Jhat  was  written.:}:  The  following  relates 
to  his  mission  in  company  with  Katenanit  among  the 
Nipmuks  in  the  character  of  a  spy.  At  Wanexit,  or 
Manexit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians  who  took 
them  and  cosveyed  them  about  twenty  miles,  across 
the  path  leading  to  Connecticut,  northward  from 
Quabaog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits  and 
Segunesits.  At  this  place  were  three  towns  which  con 
tained  about  300  warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were 
threatened  with  death,  their  mission  being  truly  guessed. 
But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john,  or  Monaco, 

*  MS.  Documents. 

t  Brief  Hist,  the  War. 

t  MSS.  in  Lib.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


306  QUA  NAP 0 HIT. 

he  charged  his  gun  and  said,  "I  will  kill  whomsoever 
shall  kill  Quanapohit."  Some  said  he  had  killed  one 
of  Philip's  counsellors  at  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had 
hired  some  to  kill  him ;  also  James  Speen,  Andrew 
Pitimy,  capt.  Hunter,  Thomas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter 
Ephraim\  On  being  ordered  to  visit  Philip,  as  is  re 
lated  under  the  head  before  named,  "  Job  and  he  pre 
tended  to  go  out  a  hunting,  killed  three  dear  quickly, 
and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  by  some  other  In 
dians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  before 
day,  and  when  they  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away." 
Job  was  to  return  to  the  enemy  and  tell  them  that  James 
ran  away  because  they  had  threatened  to  kill  him. 
Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  conclud 
ed  to  remain  longer  for  the  end  of  ransoming  his 
children. 

While  James  was<  there,  «  a  Narraganset  brought  to 
them  one  English  head,  they  shot  at  him,  and  said  the 
Narragansets  were  the  English  friends  all  last  summer. 
Afterwards  two  messengers  came  with  twelve  heads, 
craving  their  assistance,  they  then  accepted  them." 

QMfenapohit,  (Thomas,)  called  also  Rumney- 
marsh,  a  brother  of  the  preceding,  a  Christian  Indian. 
In  the '  beginning  of  hostilities  against  Philip,  major 
Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  a  company  of  praying 
Indians  to  be  employed  against  him.  This  company 
was  immediately  raised,  and  consisted  of  fifty-two  men, 
and  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by  capt.  Isaac 
Johnson.  Quanapohit  was  one  of  these.  The  officers 
under  whom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as 
faithful  soldiers  ;  yet  many  of  the  army,  officers  and 
men,  tried  all  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into  disre 
pute  with  the  country.  Such  proceedings,  we  should 
naturally  conclude,  would  tend  much  to  dishearten 
those  friendly  Indians ;  but  on  the  contrary  they  used 


QtTANAPOHlT.  307 

every  exertion  to  win  the  affection  of  their  oppressors. 
Quanapokit,  with  the  other  two,  received  from  govern 
ment  a  reward  for  the  scalps  which  they  brought  in. 
Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it  must  be  mention 
ed  that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swansey,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  his 
hands  shot  oif.  He  was  one  of  the  troop,  and  carried 
a  gun  of  remarkable  length.  The  weather  being  ex 
cessively  hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  being  dis 
turbed  by  flies,  and  struck  the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the 
breach  rested  upon  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to  go 
off,  which  horribly  mangled  the  hand  that  held  it ;  and 
notwithstanding  it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well,  yet 
he  rendered  great  service  in  the  war  afterward.  One 
signal  exploit  having  been  preserved  shall  here  be  re 
lated.  While  capt.  Henchman  was  in  the  enemy's 
country  he  made  an  excursion  from  Hassanamesit  to 
Packachoog,  which  lies  about  ten  miles  N.  W.  from 
it.  Meeting  here  with  no  enemy,  be  marched  again 
for  Hassanamesit,  having  got  a  few  miles  on  his  way, 
discovered  that  he  had  lost  a  tin  case  which  con 
tained  his  commission  and  other  instructions.  He 
therefore  dispatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in 
search  of  it.  They  made  no  discovery  of  the  lost  arti 
cle  until  they  came  in  sight  of  the  old  wigwam  pt  Pacha- 
choog,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discov 
ered  some  of  the  enemy  in  possession  of  it.  They 
were  but  a  few  rods  from  them,  and  being  so  few  in 
number,  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  were  arm 
ed  for  such  an  occasion.  Stratagem  therefore  could 
only  save  them.  The  wigwam  was  situated  upon  an 
eminence ;  and  some  were  standing  in  the  door  when 
they  approached,  who  discovered  them  as  soon  as  they 
came  in  sight.  One  presented  his  gun,  but  the  weath- 


RED  JACKET. 


er  being  stormy  it  did  not  go  off.  At  this  moment  our 
chief  looking  back,  called,  and  made  many  gestures, 
as  though  he  were  disposing  of  a  large  force  to  encom 
pass  them.  At  this  manoeuvre  they  all  fled,  being  six 
in  number,  leaving  our  heroes  to  pursue  their  object. 
Thus  their  preservation  was  due  to  Quanapohil ;  and  is 
the  more  to  be  admired,  as  tbey  were,  in  so  far,  desti 
tute  of  the  means  of  defence.  Capt.  Quanapohit  had 
but  a  pistol,  and  one  of  his  men  a  gun  without  a  flint, 
and  the  other  no  gun  at  all.* 

QtltiVSOHj  (John,)  a  sachem  of  Monnamoit,  and 
another  called  Mattaquason,  sold  a  large  tract  of  that 
island,  in  1672,  to  William  Nickerson,  for  the  consider 
ation  of  one  shallop,  ten  coates  of  trucking  cloth,  six 
kettles,  twelve  axes,  twelve  hoes,  12  knives,  forty  shil 
lings  in  wompum,  a  hat,  and  twelve  shillings  in 
money.  This  same  chief  was  called  also  Towsowet. 

IftlUiftjtin.!  one  of  the  Narraganset  sachems, 
whose  real  name,  I  apprehend  was  Panoquin,  and  was 
blended  with  it  by  the  early  writers.  Quaiapen,Quan- 
opin,  Quenoquin  and  Quinapin,  we  therefore  consider 
the  same,  and  names  of  the  squaw  Sachem  Magnus, 
whose  history  has  been  given.  "  Sachem  Quanepin's 
brother"  was  wounded  in  the  Narraganset  fight,  19th 
Dec.  1675,  and  died  soon  after.f 

QuiSSOqUMS)  a  name  found  among  our  state 
papers,  but  which  it  appears  is  no  other  than  Pessacus, 
which  see. 

R€tl-j  ticket  ^  the  English  name  of  a  celebrated 
chief  among  the  Six  Nations.  His  place  of  residence 
(in  1827)  was  a  few  miles  from  Buffalo,  at  the  Seneca 
missionary  station.  A  part  of  the  Indians  who  reside 

*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians, 
t  Present  State  New  England,  p.  13,  by  a  Merchant  of 
Boston,  Fol.  London,  1676. 


RED-JACKET. 


309 


here  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacket  will  not  hear  to  any 
thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered  of  su 
perior  wisdom  in  council,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified 
behaviour  which  would  have  honored  any  rnan.  But, 
like  all  his  race,  he  could  not  withstand  the  temptation 
of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with  his  age,  renders 
him  now  of  less  notice.  Formerly,  scarce  a  traveller 
passed  near  his  place  of  residence^who  would  not  go 
out  of  his  way  to  see  this  wonderful  man,  and  to  hear 
his,  profound  observations. 

In  the  year  1825,  a  council  was  held  at  Buffalo,  in 
the  state  of  New  York,  at  which  was  present  many  of 
the  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors,  assembled   at  the   re 
quest  of  a  missionary  from  Massachusetts.     It  was  at 
this  time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech, 
about  which   so   much  has  been  said  and  written,  and 
which  we  propose  to  give  here  at  length,  and  correctly, 
as  some   omissions  and   errors  were  contained  in  it  as 
published  at  the  time.       It  may  be  taken  as   genuine, 
at  least   as   nearly   so  as  the   Indian,  language   can  be 
translated,  in  which   it  was  delivered,    for    Red-jacket 
would  not  speak  in  English,  although  he  understood  it. 
The  missionary  first  made  a  speech   to  the  Indians,  in 
which  he  explained  the  object  for  which  he  had  called 
them  together ;    namely,   to  inform  them  that  he  was 
sent  by  the  missionary  society   of^Boston  to  instruct 
them  "  how  to   worship  the  Great  Spirit,"  and  not  to 
get  away  their  lands  and  money  :  that  there  was  bnt 
one  religion,  and  unless   they  embraced  it  they  could 
not  be  happy  :  that  they  had  always  lived  in  darkness 
and  great  errors  all  their  lives  ;  he  wished  that  if  they 
had  any   objections   to   his   religion,  they   would  state 
them :  that  he  had  visited   some  smaller  tribes  who 
waited  their  decision  before  tlrey  would  consent  to  re 
ceive  him,  as  they  were  their  "  older  brothers." 

26     ' 


/  :.,  .^-.^ 

310  RED-JACKET. 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indians 
conferred  together  about  two  hours,  hy  .themselves, 
when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red-jacket,  which  fol 
lows  . 

"  Friend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit  that  we  should  meet  together  this  day.  He  or 
ders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine  day  for  our 
council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the 
sun,  and  caused  it  to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us  ; 
our  eyes  are  opened  that  we  see  clearly ;  our  ears  are 
unstopped  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  distinctly 
the  words  that  you  have  spoken  ;  for  all  these  favors 
we  thank  the  Great  Spirit,  and  him  only. 

Brother,  this  council  fire  .was  kindled  by  you  ;  it  was 
at  your  request  that  we  canie  together  at  this  time  ; 
we  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you  have  said  ; 
you  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely  ;  this  gives 
us  great  joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  up- 
.right  before  you,  and  can  speak  what  we  think  ;  all 
have  heard  your  voice,  and  all  speak  to  you  as  one 
man  ;  our  minds  are  agreed. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk 
before  you  leave  this  place.  It  is  right  you  should 
have  one,  as  you  are  a  great  distance  from  home,  and 
we  do  not  wish  to  detain  you  ;  but- we  will  first  look 
back  a  little  and  tej)  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us, 
and  what  we  have  heard  from  the  white  people. 

"  Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say,  There  was  a  time  when 
our  forefathers  owned  this  great  island.*  Their  seats 
extended  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  The 
Great  Spirit  had  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  He 
had  created  tho  buffalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals 
for  food.  He  made  the  bear,  and  the  beaver,  and  their 

*  A  general  opinion  among  all  the  Indians  that  this  coun 
try  was  an  island. 


RED-JACKET.  311 

skins  served  us  for  clothing.  He  had  scattered  them 
over  the  country,  and  taught  us  how  to  take  them. 
He  had  caused  the  earth  to  produce  corn  for  bread. 
All  this  he  had  done  for  his  red  children  because  he 
loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disputes  about  hunting- 
grounds,  they  were  generally  settled  without  the  shed 
ding  of  much  blood  ;  but  an  evil  day  came  upon  us  ; 
your  forefathers  crossed  the  great  waters,  and  landed 
on  this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small  ;  th«y 
fountf  friends  and  not  enemies  ;  they  told  us  they  had  fled 
from  their  own  country  for  fear  of  wicked  men,  and 
come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion.  They  asked  for  a 
small  seat ;  we  took  pity  on  them,  granted  their  re 
quest,  and  they  sat  down  amongst  us:  we  gave  them 
corn  and  meat  :  they  gave  us  poison*  in  return.  The 
white  people  had  now  found  our  country,  tidings  were 
carried  back,  and  more  came  amongst  us ;  yet  we  did 
not  fear  them,  we  took  them  to  be  friends  ;  they  called  us 
brothers  ;  we  believed  them  and  gave  them  a  larger 
seat.  At  length  their  numbers  had  greatly  increased  ; 
they  wanted  more  land  ;  they  wanted  our  country. 
Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy. 
Wars  took  place  ;  Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against 
Indians,  aud  many  of  our  people  were  destroyed. ' 
They  also  brought  strong  liquors  among  us  :  it  was 
strong  and  powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"Brother,  our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were 
very  small ;  you  have  now  become  a  great  people,  and 
we  have  scarcely  a  place  left  to  spread  our  blankets ; 
you  have  got  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied  ;  you 
want  to  force  your  religion-  upon  us. 

*'  Brother,  continue  to  listen :  You  say  that  you  are 
sent  to  instruct  us  how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit 

*  Spirituous  liquor  is  alluded  to,  it  is  supposed. 


312 


RED-JACKET, 


agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not  take  hold  of 
the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be 
unhappy  hereafter :  you  say  that  you  are  right  and  we 
are  lost ;  how  do  we  know  this  to  be  true  ?  We  under 
stand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a  book  ;  if  it  was 
intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the  Great 
Spirit  given  it  to  us,  and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did 
he  not  give  to  our  forefathers  the  knowledge  of  that 
book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly  ?  We 
only  know  what  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  we 
know  when  to  believe,  being  so  often  deceived  by  the 
white  people. 

"  Brother,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship 
and  serve  the  Great  Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion, 
why  do  you  white  people  differ  so  much  about  it  ?  why 
not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book? 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  understand  these  things  ;  we 
are  told  that  your  religion  was  given  to  your  fore 
fathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from  father  to 
son.  We  also  have  a  religion  which  was  given  to 
our  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  to  us 
their  children.  We  worship  that  way.  It  teacheth  us 
to.  be  thankful  for  all  the  favors  we  receive  ;  to  love  each 
other,  and  to  be  united;  we  never  quarrel  about  re 
ligion. 

"  Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all :  but  he 
has  made  a  great  difference  between  his  white  and  red 
children  ;  he  has  given  us  a  different  complexion,  and 
different  customs ;  to  you  he  has  given  the  arts  :  to 
these  he  has  not  opened  our  eyes  :  we  know  these 
things  to  be  true.  Since  he-  has  made  so  great  a  dif 
ference  between  U£  in  other  things,  why  may  we  not 
conclude  that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion  ac- 
cording'to  our  understanding ;  the  Great  Spirit  does 
right ;  he  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children  ;  we  are 
satisfied. 


RED-JACKET.  313 

«  Brother,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion, 
or  take  it  from  you,  we  only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our 
land  or  our  money,  but  to  enlighten  our  minds.  I  will 
now  tell  you  that  I  have  been  at  your  meetings  and 
saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meeting.  I  can 
not  tell  what  this  money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose 
it  was  for  your  minister,  and  if  we  should  conform  to 
your  way  of  thinking,  perhaps  you  may  want  some 
from  us. 

"  Brother,  we  are  told  that  you  have  been  preaching 
to  white  people  in  this  place ;  these  people  are  our 
neighbors  ;  we  are  acquainted  with  them,  we  will  wait 
a  little  while  and  see  what  effect  your  preaching  has 
upon  them.  If  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them 
honest,  and  less  disposed  to  cheat  Indians,  we  will 
then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 

"  Brother,  you  have  now  heard  our  answer  to  your 
talk,  and  this  is  all  wre  have  to  say  at  present.  As  we 
are  going  to  part,  we  will  come  and  take  you  by  the 
hand,  and  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  protect  you  on 
your  journey,  and  return  you  safe  to  your  friends." 

The  chiefs  and  others  then  drew  near  the  missiona 
ry  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  but  he  would  not  receive 
them,  and  hastily  rising  from  his  seat,  said,  "that  there 
was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the 
works  of  the  devil,  and  therefore  could  not  join  hands 
with  them."  Upon  this  being  interpreted  to  them  "they 
smiled,  and  retired  in  a  peaceable  manner." 

Red-jacket  took  part  with  the  Americans  in  the  war 
of  1812,  but  was  not  distinguished  for  that  prodigality 
of  life  which  marked  the  character  of  Tecumseh,  and 
many  others,  but  on  all  occasions  was  cool  and  collect 
ed.  He  was  living  recently.  A  very  excellent  likeness 
of  him  may  be  seen  in  the  Talisman  for  1829. 


314  ROBINHOOD. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  Farmer's -broth 
er,  is  often  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket. 
His  native  name  was  Ho-na-ya-wus.  One  of  his  most 
celebrated  speeches  was  delivered  in  a  council  at  Gen- 
esee  river,  in  1798,  and  after  being  interpreted  was 
signed  by  the  chiefs  present,  and  sent  to  the  Legisla 
ture  of  New  York.  He  was  a  great  warrior,  and  al 
though  "eighty  snows  in  years"  when  the  war  of  1812 
began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Ameri 
cans.  He  did  not  live  till  its  close,  but  died  at  the 
Seneca  village  just  after  battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was 
interred  with  military  honors  by  the  fifth  regi 
ment  of  U.  S.  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a  medal  pre 
sented  him  by  Gen.  Washington.  In  the  revolution 
he  fought  successfully  against  the  Americans.  Per 
haps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lips  of  man  a  more 
sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief, 
in  a  sp.eech,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest : 
*'  The  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  whirlwind,  and  it  was 
still." 

Jt&olfiM,  Several  persons  bore  this  name.  One 
especially  deserves  notice,  mentioned  by  Mr.  Cobbet,* 
as  saving  the  town  of  Ipswich  from  a  meditated  attack 
by  the  Tarratines,  about  1634.  At  this  time  there 
were  belonging  to  the  town  between  twenty  and  thirty 
inhabitants.  The  Indians  came  well  armed  and"  in 
forty  canoes,  but  finding  themselves  discovered,  drew 
off.  Mr.  Jossdyn\  mentions  two  of  the  name.  Anoth 
er  is  often  mentioned  in  the  records  of  the  United 
Colonies,  but  of  not  much  interest. 

JRobiHllOOfli  a  well  known  chief  in  his  time, 
among  the  Torratines,  or  eastern  nations.  His  resi 
dence  was  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebeck,  in  1649, 
as  appears  from  his  selling  the  island  of  Jerremysquam, 

*  MS.  Narrative.  t  Voyages  to  N.  England. 


SAMOSET.  315 

on  the  east  side  of  that  river,  to  the  English.  In  1654 
he  sold  to  Edward  Bateman  and  John  Brown,  Neguas- 
seag,  since  called  Woolwich.  At  the  commencement 
of  Philip's  war  the  English  began  to  disarm  all  the  In 
dians  on  the  coast,  which  may  be  thought  a  sufficient 
reason  for  their  committing  hostilities.  The  next  day 
after  the  disarming  began,  Robinhood,  the  Kennebeck 
chief,  called  together  his  people  and  made  a  dance,  and 
immediately  withdrawing  from  the  neighborhood  of 
the  whites,  soon  after  began  the  eastern  war.  Per 
haps  his  real  name  was  Rogomok.*  In  1663  he  is 
mentioned  as  a  Sachem  of  note  among  the  eastern 
chiefs.f 

8aWlO$et.  "  Welcome,  Englishmen  !  welcome, 
Englishmen  !"  are  words  so  inseparably  connected 
with  the  name  of  Samoset,  that  we  can  never  hear 
the  one  without  the  pleasing  association  of  the  other. 
These  were  the  first  accents  our  pilgrim  fathers  heard 
from  any  native.  They  had  seen  Indians  before  Sam 
oset,  but  who  would  only  "  show  themselves  afar  off." 
It  was  on  Friday,  the  16th  of  March,  that  he  came  to 
Plimouth  ;  and  says  Mourt,  «« he  very  boldly  came  all 
alone,  and  along  the  houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous, 
where  we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him  to  go  in, 
as  undoubtedly  he  would,  out  of  his  boldness."  He 
was  naked,  "  only  a  leather  about  his  waist,  with  a 
fringe  about  a  span  long."  It  was  cold,  and  the  pil 
grims  covered  him,  very  humanely,  with  "  a  horse 
man's  coat."  At  night  he  lodged  in  the  house  of  Stephen 
Hopkins,  but  the  pilgrims  warrily  watched  him.  He 
told  them  he  was  a  Sachem  of  Morattiggon,  a  place 
"  lying  hence,  [to  the  eastward]  a  day's  sail,  with  a 
good  wind." — *<  He  was  a  tall,  straight  man  ;  the  hair 

*  Compare  Sullivan,  144  with  297.        t  Josselyn's  Voyages. 


316  SASSACUS. 

of  his  head  black,  long  behind,  only  short  before  ; 
none  on  his  face  at  all."  He  told  the  English,  that 
the  place  where  they  were  was  call  Patuxet,  and  that 
about  four  years  before,  all  the  inhabitants  died  of  a 
plague. 

.  (Sagamore.)     See  Shoshanim. 

)  brother  to  Joseph,  and  kinsman  of 
Memecho,  which  see.  Sampson,  notwithstanding  the 
very  great  service  rendered  in  the  affair  of  Hutchinson 
and  Wheeler,  at  Quabaog,  was  so  ill  treated,  that  both 
he  and  George  Memecho  afterwards  joined  the  enemy ; 
the  former  was  killed  in  fight,  and  the  latter  taken 
prisoner  and  sold  into  slavery. 

&&SSMCU8)  chief  of  the  Pequots,  whose  name  was 
a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians.  His 
tribe  was  located  upon  the  Thames  and  its  branches, 
then  called  Pequot  river,  from  these  natives,  which 
flows  into  Long  Island  Sound,  at  New  London,  in 
Connecticut.  Having  for  a  long  time  exercised  their 
power  without  restraint  among  their  countrymen,  ac 
cording  to  the  custom  of  savage  nations,  which  was  a 
right  always  assumed  by  the  strongest,  and  yet  too 
much  the  case  with  those  nations  calling  themselves 
civilized.  The  Pequots,  therefore,  extended  the  same 
carriage  towards  the  English  as  to  the  rest  of  their 
neighbors — killing  such  as  came  in  their  way,  who 
refused  a  compliance  with  their  demands.  Captains 
Stone,  Norton,  and  Oldham,  were  successively  murder 
ed  by  them,  in  and  about  Connecticut  river.  The 
English  could  get  no  satisfaction,  and  being  assured 
of  the  assistance  of  the  Narragansets,  determined  to 
subdue  them.  Early  in  the  summer  of  1637,  forces 
from  Connecticut,  under  captain  John  Mason,  and  from 
Massachusetts,  under  captain  Israel  Stoughton,  entered 
upon  this  expedition.  A  part  of  the  Massachusetts 


SASSACUS.  317 

forces  only,  under  captain  Underhill,  who  was  before 
stationed  at  Saybrook  fort,  shared  in  the  taking  of  the 
strong  fort  of  Sassacus.  This  fort  was  situated  upon 
an  eminence  in  the  present  town  of  Groton,  Connecti 
cut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity,  on  the  25th 
of  May  ;  and  on  the  26th,  before  day,  with  about  500 
Indians,  encompassed  it  and  began  a  furious  attack. 
The  Mohegans  and  Narragansets  discovered  great  fear 
on  approaching  the  fort,  and  could  not  believe  that  the 
English  would  dare  to  attack  it.  When  they  came  to 
the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  was  situated,  captain 
Mason  was  apprehensive  of  being  abandoned  by  them, 
and  making  a  halt,  sent  for  Uncas,  who  led  the  Mohe 
gans,  and  Wequash,  their  pilot,  who  was  a  fugitive  Pe- 
quot  chief,  and  urged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to 
follow  him  at  any  distance- they  pleased.  These  In 
dians  had  all  along  told  the  English  they  dared  not 
fight  the  Pequots,  but  boasted  how  they  would  fight 
themselves.  Mason  told  them  now  they  should  see 
whether  Englishmen  would  fight  or  not.  Notwith 
standing  their  boastings,  they  could  not  overcome  the 
terror  which  the  name  of  Sassacus  had  inspired  in 
them,  and  they  kept  at  a  safe  distance,  until  the  fight 
was  over ;  but  assisted  considerably  in  repelling  the 
attacks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — 
for  the  Pequots  on  recovering  from  their  consternation 
collected  in  a  considerable  body,  and  fought  the  con 
federates  for  many  miles. 

The  English  had  but  seventy-seven  men,  which 
were  divided  into  two  companies,  one  led  by  Mason, 
and  the  other  by  Underhill.  The  Indians  were  all 
within  their  fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the 
barking  of  a  dog  was  the  first  notice  they  had  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few  knew  the  cause 
of  the  alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the 


318  SASSACUS. 

foe.  The  fort  had  two  entrances  at  opposite  points, 
into  which  each  party  of  English  were  led,  sword  in 
hand.  **  Wanux !  waniix!"*  was  the  cry  of  Sassacus* 
men ;  and  such  was  their  surprise,  that  they  made 
very  feeble  resistance.  Having  only  their  own  missile 
weapons,  bows  and  arrows,  they  could  do  nothing  at 
hand  to  hand  With  the  English  broad-swords.  They 
were  pursued  from  wigwam  to  wigwam,  and  slaugh 
tered  in  every  secret  place.  Women  and  children 
were  cut  to  pieces,  while  endeavoring  to  hide  them 
selves  in  and  under  their  beds.  At  length  fire  was 
set  in  the  mats  that  covered  the  wigwams,  which  furi 
ously  spread  over  the  whole  fort,  and  the  dead  and 
dying  were  together  consumed.  A  part  of  the  English 
had  formed  a  circumference  upon  the. outside,  and  shot 
such  as  attempted  to  fly.  Many  ascended  the  pickets 
to  escape  the  flames,  but  were  shot  down  by  those 
stationed  for  that  purpose.  About  600  persons  were 
supposed  to  have  perished  in  this  fight ;  or  perhaps  I 
should  say,  massacre.  There  were  but  two  English 
killed,  and  about  twenty  wounded.  Sassacus,  himself, 
was  in  another  fort,  and  being  informed  of  the  ravages 
of  the  English,  destroyed  his  habitations,  and  with 
about  eighty  others,  fled  to  the  Mohawks,  who  treach 
erously  beheaded  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  slaughter  at  Mistic,  there 
were  great  numbers  of  Pequots  in  the  country,  and 
were  hunted  from  swamp  to  swamp,  and  their  num 
bers  thinned  continually,  until  a  remnant  promised  to 
appear  no  more  as  a  nation. 

The  English  under  captain  Stoughton,  came  into 
Pequot  river  about  a  fortnight  after  the  Mistic  fight, 

*  Miens  History  of  the  Pequot  War.  It  signified,  English 
men  .'  Englishmen !  In  Mason's  history,  it  is  written  Owanux. 
Mien  merely  copied  from  Mason,  with  a  few  such  variations. 


SASSACU3.  319 

and  assisted  in  the  work  of  their  extermination.  After 
his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  wrote  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  as  follows:.  "By  this  pin 
nace,  you  shall  receive  forty-eight  or  fifty  women  and 
children,  unless  there  stay  any  here  to  be  helpful,  &c. 
Concerning  which,  there  is  one,  I  formerly  mentioned, 
that  is  the  fairest  and  largest  that  I  saw  amongst  them, 
to  whom  I  have  given  a  coate  to  cloathe  her.  It  is 
my  desire  to  have  her  for  a  servant,  if  it  may  stand 
with  your  good  liking,  else  not.  There  is  a  little 
squaw  that  steward  Culacut  clesireth,  to  whom  he  hath 
given  a  coate.  Lieut.  Davenport  also  desireth  one,  to 
wit,  a  small  one,  that  hath  three  strokes  upon  her 
stomach,  thus:  —  III  ~K  He  desireth  her  if  it  will 
stand  with  your  good  liking.  Sosomon,  the  Indian, 
desireth  a  young  little  squaw,  which  I  know  not. 

"At  present,  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  Ludlo,  captain  Mason, 
and  thirty  men  are  with  us  in  Pequot  river,  and  we 
shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what  we  can  do 
against  Sassacus,  and  another  great  Sagamore,  Mono- 
wailuck.  [Mononotto.]  Here  is  yet  good  work  to  be 
done,  and  how  dear  it  will  cost,  is  unknown.  Sassa- 
cus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  life,  and  so  the  other  with 
their  company,  as  dear  as  they  can."* 

Perhaps  it  will  be  judged  that  Stoughton  was  look 
ing  more  after  the  profit  arising  from  the  sale  of  cap 
tives,  than  for  warriors  to  fight  with.  Indeed,  Mason's 
account  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

The  Pequot  war  has  generally  been  looked  upon 
with  regret,  by  all  good  men,  since.  To  exterminate 
a  people  before  they  had  any  opportunity  to  become 
enlightened,  that  is,  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the 
reason  of  other  usages  towards  their  fellow  beings 

*  Manuscript  letter  of  captain  Stoughton,  on  file  among  our 
State  Papers. 


320  SASSAMON. 

than  those  in  which  they  had  been  brought  up,  is  a 
great  cause  of  lamentation  ;  and  if  it  proves  any  thing, 
it  proves  that  great  ignorance  and  barbarism  lurked  in 
the  hearts  of  their  exterminators.  We  do  not  exclude 
by  these  remarks,  the  great  body  of  the  present  inhab 
itants  of  the  earth  from  such  barbarism. 

Dr.  Dwight  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  Pequots  : 

« 

"  Indulge,  my  native  land  !   indulge  the  tear, 
That  steals,  impassion'd,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  me  each  twig,  from  Adam's  stock,  is  near, 
And  sorrows  fall  upon  an  Indian's  tomb. 
And,  O  ye  chiefs  !  in  yonder  starry  home, 
Accept  the  humble  tribute  of  this  rhyme. 
Your  gallant  deeds,  in  Greece,  or  haughty  Rome, 
By  Maro  sung  or  Homer's  harp  sublime, 
Had  charm'd  the  world's  wide  round,  and  triumph'd 
over  time.  Greenfield  Hill,  p.  104-5. 


.  *  In  our  account  of  Philip,  it  was 
necessary  to  speak  particularly  of  this  Christian  In 
dian,  but  as  every  thing  concerning  him  is  of  peculiar 
interest,  we  add  the  following  extract  from  an  exceed 
ingly  scarce  tract.*  "  About  five  or  six  ye#rs  since, 
[1675,]  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the 
college  at  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  an  Indian,  named  Soso- 
mon  ;  who,  after  some  time  he  had  spent  in  preaching 
the  gospel  to  Uncos,  a  Sagamore  Christian  in  his  terri 
tories,  was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth  sent  to 
preach  in  like  manner  to  king  Philip,  and  his  Indians. 
But  king  Philip,  (heathen-like,)  instead  of  receiving  the 
gospel,  would  immediately  have  killed  this  Sosomon, 
but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do 
it,  but  sent  him  by  the  hands  of  three  men  to  prison  ; 

*  Entitled,  The  Present  State  of  New  England,  4to.  Lon 
don.  1675. 


SOCONONOCO.  321 

who,  as  he  was  going  to  prison,  exhorted  and  taught 
them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They  not  liking  his 
discourse,  immediately  murthered  him  after  a  most 
barbarous  manner.  They  returning  to  king  Philip, 
acquainted  him  with  what  they  had  done.  About  two 
or  three  months  after  this  murther,  being  discovered 
to  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  Josiah  JFinslow  be 
ing  then  governor  of  that  colony,  care  was  taken  to 
find  out  the  murtherers,  who  upon  search  were  found 
and  apprehended,  and,  after  a  fair  trial,  were  all  hang 
ed.  This  so  exasperated  king  Philip,  that  from  that 
day  after,  he  studied  to  be  revenged  on  the  English — 
judging  that  the  English  authority  had  nothing  to  do 
to  hang  an  Indian  for  killing  another."* 

IScoXWnym  "The  only  fiddler  that  was  in  the 
province  of  Maine,  when  I  was  there,  [1663,]  was 
an  Indian,  called  Scozway,  wrhorn  the  fishermen  and 
planters,  when  they  had  a  mind  to  be  merry,  made 
use  of."f 

StlO8h>(i>n.i£H)  commonly  called  Sagamore  Sam, 
of  Nashua.  His  real  name  appears  to  have  been  Us- 
katuhgun;  at  least  was  so  subscribed  by  Peter  Gcthevo, 
the  Indian  who  wrote  the  letter  about  the  exchange 
of  prisoners.  (See  Nepanet.)  He  was  successor  to 
Mathew,  who  succeeded  Sholan.  This  chief  led  one 
of  the  parties  who  destroyed  Lancaster,  February  10, 
1676.  He  was  hanged  at  Boston,  26th  September, 
following. 

SoCOnonoCO^  a  Narraganset,  "  chief  Sachem  of 
Patuxett,"  in  1641.  In  this  year,  "for  valuable  con 
sideration  granted  unto  Wm.  Arnold,  Robert  Cole,  and 

*  Present  State  of  New  England,  by  a  Merchant  of  Boston, 
in  respect  to  the  present  Bloodv  Indians  Wars — page  3.  Folio. 
London.  1676. 

t  Josselyrfs  Voyages. 

27 


322  SPEEN. 

-"  l 

Wm.  Carpenter,  all  the  lands,  marshes,  medows,  islands, 
rivers,  and  ponds,  lying  between  the  great  fresh  or 
salt  river,  called  Patuxet  river,  both  above  and  below 
the  fall,  the  river  called  Pochasett,  and  the  river  called 
Wanasquatucket,  and  the  great  river  that  is  between 
Providence  and  Patuxit."  In  1644,  Socononoco  deeded 
to  Benedict  Jlrnold,  a  tract  of  land  "  on  the  south  side 
of  the  great  fresh  water  river,"  in  width  upon  said 
river,  320  poles.  The  consideration  was  two  fathom 
of  wampum.*  Mr.  Hubbard^  says  that  he  and  Pum- 
ham  had  under  them  2  or  300  men,  and  were  driven 
to  rebel  against  Miantunnomoh,  their  chief  Sachem,  by 
reason  of  his  overbearing  carriage  towards  them. — 
There  is  little  doubt  but  the  English  were  the  cause 
of  all  disquiet  between  them,  for  Socononoco  and  Pum- 
ham  were  persuaded  by  them  to  sell  lands  without  his 
consent,  and  therefore,  felt  themselves  bound  to  bear 
them  out  in  it;  this,  it  is  presumed,  was  the  cause  of 
the  quarrel. 

SpSeH)  (Thomas,}  a  Natick,  whom  we  shall  intro 
duce  here  on  account  of  the  extraordinary  fate  of  his 
family.  The  earliest  notice  we  have  of  him,  is  in  n.  ' 
warrant,  dated  15th  of  Feb.  1662,  issued  by  Joshua 
Fisher,  to  the  constables  of  Dedharn,  against  the  goods 
or  person  of  John  and  Thomas  Speen,  of  Natick.  The 
sheriff  or  constable  was  ordered  to  secure  sixty  pounds. 
It  was  in  favor  of  Timothy  Dwight  and  Edward  Rich 
ards.  The  constable,  Richard  Ellis,  returns  that  he 
has  "taken  bonds  according  to  this  attachment,  of  Mr. 
John  Eliot  the  23  :  11  :  1661,"  O.  S.} 

At  the  time  so  many  were  confined  to  Deer  Island, 
some  of  the  females  and  children  were  permitted  to  go 

*  Suffolk  Record  of  Deeds,  Vol.  I,  No.  60. 
t  History  of  New  England. 
$  MS.  Documents. 


SPEEN.  323 

off  in  search  of  wild  fruit,  to  prevent  their  dying  of 
famine.  The  wives  of  Thomas  Speen  and  Andrew 
Pitimee,  andjanother  young  woman  with  three  children 
went  out  fJr  this  purpose,  August  9th,  1676.  The 
children  belonged  to  the  wife  of  Speen ;  one  of  which 
was  at  the  breast.  They  were  gathering  whortleberries 
about  four  miles  from  Watertown  mill,  at  a  place  call 
ed  Whortleberry-hill,  within  the  limits  of  that  town. 
There  was  an  Indian  man  with  them,  by  the  name  of 
Stoolemester,  who  had  been  brought  up  with  the  Eng 
lish.  Here  eleven  or  twelve  Englishmen  happened  to 
meet  "with  them.  They  seized  the  man,  and  took 
away  a  carbine  from  him,  and  threatened  to  kill  him, 
but  he  speaking  English,  so  demeaned  himself  that 
they  let  him  go,  and  he  went  directly  home,  not  caring 
to  fall  into  such  company  again.  Sloolemester  seems 
to  have  been  separated  from  the  women  when  he  was 
fallen  in  with,  as  is  very  natural  in  berrying,  and  they 
knew  nothing  of  what  had  happened  to  him,  nor  did 
he  know  where  to  find  them  when  he  was  dismissed. 
These  English  next  came  upon  the  women  and  chil 
dren,  and  at  first  showed  signs  of  friendship,  and 
exchanged  civilities;  giving  the  women  some  cheese 
and  bread  for  whortleberries,  and  after  having  smoked, 
went  away.  In  a  short  time  four  of  the  Englishmen 
returned,  took,  the  women  and  children,  and  mad« 
them  go  before  them  into  a  dismal,  and  out  of  the 
way  place,  on  the  north  end  of  Whortleberry-hill,  and 
there  murdered  them  every  one.  Desperate,  indeed, 
must  have  been  the  characters  of  such  Englishmen, 
if  plunder  was  their  object ;  but  the  miserable  gar- 
ments  of  these  poor,  murdered  and  despised  Indian 
women,  were  taken  away  by  them. 

Captain  Pitimee  being    at  this  time  at  home,  was 
alarmed  that  his  wife   did  not  return— and  perhaps 


324  SQUANDO, 

hearing  by  the  man  that  made  his  escape,  of  the  car 
riage  of  those  English,  went  to  major  GooKn,  and  dis 
closed  his  fears.  Search  was  immediately  made  by 
some  English  and  Indians,  which  for  some  days  prov 
ed  fruitless.  Upon  which,  fourteen  or  fifteen  Indians 
were  permitted  to  go  out  with  two  English,  and  after 
some  time,  the  women  and  children  were  found,  not 
far  from  one  another.  Some  had  been  shot,  and  some 
had  their  brains  beat  out.  "To  be  short,"  says  my 
manuscript,  "this  murder  was  afterwards  discovered, 
and  the  four  murderers  seized,  tried  and  condemned — 
and  two  of  the  four  executed,  arid  the  other  two  par 
doned  by  the  general  court.  This  murder  was  much 
decryed,  by  ali  good  men,  and  it  was  some  satisfaction 
that  some,  of  them  were  made  examples."* 

»§>f2fif^Iff£l0.  a  Tarratine,  commonly  called  Saga 
more  of  Saco ;  as  his  residence  was  upon  that  river. 
Mr.  Hubbard  says  that  he  was  "the  chief  actor  or  rath 
er  the  beginner"  of  the  eastern  war  of  1675-6.  But 
rather  contradicts  the  statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in 
the  same  paragraph  by  attributing  the  same  cause  to 
the  "rude  and  indiscrete  act  of  some  English  seamen," 
who  either  for  mischief  overset  a  canoe  in  which  was 
Squanders  wife  and  child,  or  to  see  if  young  Indians 
could  swim  naturally  like  animals  of  the  brute  creation, 
as  some  had  reported.f  The  child  went  to  the  bottom, 
but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving 
down  and  bringing  it  up,  yet  "within  a  while  after  the 
said  child  died."  "  The  said  Squando,  father  of  the 
child,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hath  ever 
since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can  to  the 

*  Gooltirfs  manuscript  History,  ut  olim, 

t  "  They  can  swim  naturally,  striking  their  paws  under  their 
throat  like  a  dog,  and  not  spreading  their  arms  as  we  do," 
Jossdyris  Voyage  to  JY*.  E.  142. 


SQUANTO.  325 

English."  The  English  did  not  believe  that  the  death 
of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  immersion,  still  we  must 
allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  they.  When 
the  family  of  "old  Mr.  Wakdy"  was  murdered,  a  young 
woman  was  carried  away  captive.  Squando  was  the 
means  of  her  being  set  at  liberty,  after  "having  been 
carried  up  and  down  the  country,  some  hundreds  of 
miles,  as  far  as  Narraganset  fort,  was  this  last  June  re 
turned  back  to  major  Waldrorts  by  one  Squando,  the 
sagamore  of  Saco  ;  a  strange  mixture  of  mercy  and 
cruelty  !"  This  proves  that  he  was  a  friend,  late  in 
Philip's  war.  He  was  a  great  powow,  and  acted  in 
concert  with  Madokawando.  These  two  chiefs  "  are 
said  to  be  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange  kind  of 
moralised  savages  ;  grave  and  serious  in  their  speech 
and  carriage,  and  not  without  some  shew  of  a  kind  of 
religion,  which  no  doubt  but  they  have  learned  from 
the  prince  of  darkness."  In  another  place  Mr.  Hub- 
bard  calls  him  an  ««  enthusiastical,  or  rather  diabolical 
miscreant."  His  abilities  in  war  gained  him  this  epi 
thet.  He  lived  through  Philip's  war,  and  our  account 
of  him  ends  in  1677. 

SqilflLWtO)  called  by  some  of  the  early  historians 
of  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  Tisquantum,  was  the  only 
native  of  Patuxit  (Plirnouth,)  who  escaped  the  plague 
which  carried  off  all  the  people  there,  about  1(117, 
also  in  many  other  places  between  Narraganset  or  Po- 
casset  bay  and  Kennebeck  river,  or  perhaps  even  to 
Penobscot.  In  our  account  of  Hobomok  we  have  said 
nearly  all  that  we  intended  to  say  upon  this  head.  He 
was  one  of  those  of  which  capt.  Smith  gives  an  account, 
that  were  forcibly  carried  off  by  capt.  Hunt,  and  sold 
into  slavery.  He  got  from  Malga  to  England,  where 
he  lived  a  while  in  Cornhill,  London,  with  a  gentle 
man  of  the  name  of  Slanie,  and  afterwards  got  home 


326  SQUANTO. 

to  America.  He  accompanied  Samoset  in  his  second 
visit  to  the  pilgrims,  and  assisted  in  the  introduction 
of  Massasoit  to  them,  as  has  been  before  related 
in  our  account  of  that  chief.  His  agency  in  procur 
ing  corn  for  the  almost  famished  English  in  the  win 
ter  of  1622  would  have  been  very  properly  narrated 
in  the  life  of  Jlspinet.  This  was  his  last  service  to 
them,  for  he  fell  sick  and  died  during  the  journey. 
He  was  their  pilot,  and  appears  to  have  been  the  means 
of  their  success. 

Being  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  sickness 
at  Patuxet,  enquirers  for  an  account  of  that  calamity 
will  very  reasonably  expect  to  find  it  in  a  history  of 
his  life.  We  therefore  will  relate  all  that  is  known  of 
it  in  a  few  words.  The  extent  of  its  ravages,  as  near 
as  we  can  judge,  are  as  .stated  above  ;  the  length  of  its 
duration  seems  to  have  been  between  two  and  three 
years,*  as  it  was  nearly  abated  in  1619.  The  Indians 
gave  a  frightful  account  of  it ;  saying  that  they  died  so 
fast  "  that  the  living  were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead." 
When  the  English  arrived  in  the  country  their  bones 
were  thick  upon  the  ground 'in  many  places.  This 
they  looked  upon  as  a  great  providence,  inasmuch  as, 
it  had  destroyed  "  multitudes  of  the  barbarous  heathen 
to  make.;way  for  the  chosen  people  of  God."  There 
was  certainly  a  providence  in  it.  AH  wars  and  disas 
ters  in  those  days  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by 
some  strange  natural  appearance  ;  or,  as  appeared  to 
them,  unnatural  appearance  or  phenomenon  ;  hence 
the  appearance  of  a  comet  in  1618  was  considered 
the  precursor  of  the  pestilence.f  ;  *^y 

*  See  Life  of  Massasoit,  p.  174. 

t  The  year  16J8  seems  to  have  been  very  fruitful  in  comets, 
"  as  therein  no  less  than  four  were  observed."  /.  Mather's 
Discourse  concerning  Comets^.08.  Boston,  12  mo.  1683. 


SYMON.  327 

Perhaps  a  less  eminent  poet  than  Campbell  might 
write  a  «« Last  Man"  with  the  striking  picture  of  Squan- 
to  before  him. 

"  Some  had  expired  in  fight, — the  brands 

Still  rusted  in  their  bony  hands  ; 

In  plague  and  famine  some  ! 

Earth's  cities  had  no  sound  nor  tread, 

And  ships  were  drifting  with  the  dead 

To  shores  where  all  was  dumb." 

$1/tffl,&'i1  a  troublesome  fellow,  who  continued  to 
create  considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the 
Merrimack  river,  in  the  vicinity  of  Newbury  and  Ames- 
bury,  about  which  part  seems  to  have  been  his  resi 
dence  as  late  as  the  month  of  July  1677.  .  On  the  9th 
of  July,  six  Indians  were  seen  to  go  into  the  bushes 
not  far  from  the  garrison  at  Amesbury  ;  two  days  be 
fore,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  one  woman  wounded,  whose  name  was  Quimby. 
Symon  was  the  alleged  leader  of  the  party  which  com 
mitted  the  depredation.  Mrs.  Quimby  was  sure  that 
it  was  he  who  "knocked  her  on  the  head,"  and  she 
knew  many  of  the  names  of  the  rest  with  him,  and 
named  Andrew,  Geoffrey  and  Joseph.  She  begged  of 
Symon  not  to  kill  her.  He  replied,  "Why,  goodwife. 
Qui?nby,  do  you  think  that  I  will  kill  you?"  She  said 
she  was  afraid  he  would  because  he  killed  all  English. 
Symon  then  said,  "  I  will  give  quarter  to  never  an  En 
glish  dog  of  you  all,"  and  then  gave  her  a  blow  on  the 
head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt  her  much  ;  at 
which,  being  a  woman  of  great  courage,  she  threw  a 
stone  at  him;  he  then  turned  upon  her  and  "struck 
Ber  two  more  blows,"  at  which  she  fell,  and  he  left  her 
fpr  dead.  Before  he  gave  her  the  last  blows,  she  call 
ed  to  the  garrison  for  help.  He  told  her  she  need  not 


328  TECUMSEH. 

do  that,  for,  said  he,  "I  will  have  that  too,  by  and  by." 
Symon  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  especially  to  Mrs.  Qiwnfo/,  as  he  had  formerly 
lived  with  her  father,  William  Osgood*  In  April, 
1677,  Symon  and  his  companions  burnt  the  house  of 
Edward  Weymouih  at  Sturgeon  creek,  and  plundered 
the  house  of  one  Crawley,  but  did  not  kill  him  because 
he  had  shown  kindness  to  Symon's  grand rnother.f 

TadeUSkunrf )  a  Delaware  chief,  famous  for 
his  acts  in  the  French  and  Indian  wars  preceding  the 
revolutionary  war.  He  concluded  a  peace  with  the 
governor  of  Pennsylvania,  at  Easton,  in  1761,  and  in 
1763  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  house  at  Wyoming, 
from  its  taking  fire  accidentally.  There  were  not  want 
ing  those  who  believed,  however,  that  he  had  been 
previously  intoxicated  by  the  agency  of  his  white  neigh 
bors  for  that  horrible  purpose.^ 

TccWMlSCh*  a  chief,  by  birth  a  Shawanee,  and 
brigadier  general  in  the  army  of  Great  Britain  during 
the  last  war;  was  born  about  1770,  and  like  his  great 
prototype  Metacomet  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to 
have  evinced  his  enmity  to  civilization  ;  and  it  is  not 
presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received 
the  red  sash  and  other  badges  of  office  because  he  was 
fond  of  imitating  the  whites,  but  more  probably  as  a 
means  of  rousing  his  countrymen  to  follow  bis  exam 
ple  in  endeavoring  to  exterminate  them. 

The  events  in  the  life  of  this  chief,  could  they  be 
known,  would  fill  a  large  volume.  Enough  of  them 
may  be  found  in  the  histories  of  the  last  war,  or  as 
many  as  most  readers  will  take  the  trouble  to  read. 
We  shall,  therefore,  instead  of  going  into  more  minute 
details,  give  a  selection  of  his  speeches,  which  it  is 

*  MS.  Documents.  t  Belknap's  N.  Hampshire. 

t  Heckewalder. 


TtCUMSEH.  329 

thought  will  serve  to  give  a  more  correct  idea  of  the 
mighty  "savage."  We  cannot  however  refrain  from 
sketching  a  few  of  the  most  prominent  events  which' 
led  to  his  ruin. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made 
himself  noted  and  conspicuous  in  the  war  which  ter 
minated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenvill,  in  1795.  He  was 
brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Prophet,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his 
views  just  in  season  to  prevent  his  falling  into  entire 
disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His  principal 
place  of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Tippecanoe  with  the  Wabash,  upon  the  north  bank  of 
the  latter.  This  tract  of  country  was  none  of  his,  but 
had  been  possessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet,  in  1808, 
with  a  motley  band  of  about  a  1000  young  warriors 
from  among  the  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Wyandots, 
Potawatomys,  Otto  was,  Kikkapoos  and  Chi  ppe  ways. 
The  Miamies  were  very  much  opposed  to  this  intru 
sion  into  their  country,  but  were  not  powerful  enough 
to  repel  it,  and  many  of  their  chiefs  were  put  to  death 
in  the  most  barbarous  manner,  for  remonstrating 
against  their  conduct.  The  maladministration  of  the 
Prophet,  however,  in  a  short  time,  very  much  reduced 
his  numbers,  so  that  in  about  a  year  his  followers  con 
sisted  of  but  about  300,  and  these  in  the  most  miserable 
state  of  existence.  Their  habits  had  been  such  as  to 
bring  famine  upon  them  ;  and  but  for  the  provisions 
furnished  by  general  Harrison,  from  Vincennes,  starva 
tion  would  doubtless  have  ensued.*  At  this  juncture 
Tecumseh  made  his  appearance  among  them  ;  and  al 
though  in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  chief,  yet  it 
was  known  that  he  directed  every  thing  afterwards, 
although  in  the  name  of  the  Prophet.  His  exertions 

*  Memoirs  of  Harrison. 


330  TECUMSEH. 

now  became  immense,  to  engage  every  tribe  upon  the 
continent  into  a  confederacy,  with  the  open  and  avoW- 
ed  object  of  arresting  the  progress  of  the  whites. 

It  will  be  hard  to  find  an  excuse  for  all  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  and  its 
agents  towards  the  Indians.  The  consciousness  of 
power  goes  a  great  way  with  almost  all  men. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  governor  Harrison  purchased  of  the 
Delawares,  Miamies,  and  Potawatomies,  a  large  tract 
of  country  on  both  sides  of  the  Wabash,  and  extend 
ing  up  the  river  sixty  miles  above  Vincennes.  This 
was  in  1809,  about  a  year  after  the  Prophet  settled 
with  his  colony  upon  the  Wabash,  as  stated  above. 
Tecumseh  was  absent  at  this  time,  and  his  brother,  the 
Prophet,  was  not  considered  as  having  any  claim  to 
the  country,  being  there  without  the  consent  of  the 
Miamies.  Tecumseh  did  not  view  it  in  this  light,  and 
at  his  return  was  exceedingly  vexed  with  those  chiefs 
which  had  made  the  conveyance  ;  many  of  whom,  jt  is 
asserted,  he  threatened  with  death.  Tecumseh's  displea 
sure  and  dissatisfaction  reached  gov.  Harrison,  who 
dispatched  a  messenger  to  him,  requesting  him  to 
come  to  Vincennes  ;  and  "  that  any  claims  he  might  have 
to  the  lands  which  had  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the 
treaty ;  that  he  might  come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his 
pretensions,  and  if  they  were  found  to  be  solid,  tnat  the 
land  tvould  either  be  given  up,  or  an  ample  compensation 
made  for  it.*  This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  not  in  a 
strain  calculated  to  soothe  a  .mighty  mind,  when  once 
justly  irritated} -as  was  that  of  Tecumseh,  at  least,  as  he 
conceived.  However,  upon  the  12th  of  August,  1810, 
{a  day  which  cannot  fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the 
fate  of  his  great  archetype,  Philip,  of  Pokanoket,)  he  met 

~~*  M'Afee, 


TECUMSEH.  331 

the  governor  in  council  at  Vincennes,  with  many  of 
his  warriors  ;  at  which  time  he  spoke  to  him  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  It  is  true  I  am  a  Shawanee.  My  forefathers  were 
warriors.  Their  son  is  a  warrior.  From  them  I  only 
take  my  existence;  from  my  tribe,  I  take  nothing.  I 
am  the  maker  of  my  own  fortune  ;  and  oh !  that  I 
could  make  that  of  my  red  people,  and  of  my  country, 
as  great  as  the  conceptions  of  my  mind,  when  I  think 
of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe.  I  would  not  then 
come  fo  gov.  Harrison,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  treaty,  and 
to  obliterate  the  landmark  ;  but  I  would  say  to  him,  sir, 
you  have  liberty  to  return  to  your  own  country.  The 
being  within,  communing  with  past  ages,  tells  me,  that 
once,  nor  until  lately,  there  was  no  white  man  on  this 
continent.  That  it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  chil 
dren  of  the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by  the  Great 
Spirit  that  made  them,  to  keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  en 
joy  its  productions,  and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race. 
Once  a  happy  race.  Since  made  miserahle  by  the 
white  people,  who  are  never  contented,  but  always  en 
croaching.  The  way,  and  the  only  way  to  check  and 
to  stop  this  evil,  is,  for  all  the  red  men  to  unite  in  claim 
ing  a  common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was  at 
first,  and  should  be  yet ;  for  it  never  was  divided,  but 
belongs  to  all,  for  the  use  of  each.  That  no  part  has  a 
right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less  to  strangers  ; 
those  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The 
white  people  have  no  right  to  take  the  land  from  the 
Indians,  because  they  had  it  first ;  it  is  theirs.  They 
may  sell,  hut  all  must  join.  Any  sale  njyt.made  by  all 
is  not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a 
part  only.  Part  do  not  know  how  to  sell.  It  requires 
all  to  make  a  bargain  for  all.  All  red  men  have  equal 
rights  to  the  unoccupied  land.  The  right  of  occupan- 


332  TECUMSEH. 

cy  is  as  good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  can 
not  be  two  occupations  in  the  same  place.  The  first 
excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting  or  travel 
ling;  for  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as 
they  may  follow  each  other  all  day  ;  but  the  camp  is 
stationary,  and  that  is  occupancy.  It  belongs  to  the 
first  who  sits  down  on  his  blanket  or  skins,  which  he 
has  thrown  upon  the  ground,  and  till  he  leaves  it  no 
other  has  a  right."* 

How  near  this  is  to  the  original,  is  unknown  to  us, 
but  it  appears  too  much  Americanised  to  correspond 
with  our  notions  of  Tecumsth ;  nevertheless  it  may  give 
the  true  meaning.  One  important  paragraph  ought  to 
be  added,  which  we  do  not  find  in  the  author  from 
which  we  have  extracted  the  above  ;  which  was, "  that 
the  Americans  had  driven  them  from  the  sea  coasts, 
and  that  they  would  shortly  push  them  into  the  lakes, 
and  that  they  were  determined  to  make  a  stand  where 
they  were."f  This  language  forcibly  reminds  us  of 
what  the  ancient  Britons  said  of  their  enemies,  when 
they  besought  aid  of  the  Romans.  "  The  barbarians 
(said  they)  drive  us  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea  beats  us 
back  upon  them  ;  between  these  extremes  we  are  ex 
posed,  either  to  be  slain  with  the  sword,  or  drowned 
in  the  waves."! 

Tecumseh  having  thus  explained  his  reasons  against 
the  validity  of  the  purchase,  took  his  seat  amidst  his 
warriors.  Governor  Harrison,  in  his  reply  said,  "  that 
the  white  people.,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  conti 
nent,  had  foun.d  the  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all 
the  country  on  the  Wabash,  and  at  that  time  the  Shaw- 
anese  were  residents  of  Georgia,  from  which  they 
were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  That  the  lands  had  been 

*  Hist.  Kentucky.  t  Mem.  Harrison. 

I  Seller's  England. 


TECUMSEH.  333 

purchased  from  the  Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and 
original  owners  of  it.  That  it  was  ridiculous  to  assert 
that  all  the  Indians  were  one  nation  ;  for  if  such  had 
been  the  intention  of  the  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not 
have  put  six  different  tongues  into  their  heads,  but 
have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a  language,  that  all 
could  understand.  That  the  Miamies  found  it  for 
their  interest  to  sell  a  part  of  their  lands,  and  receive 
for  them  a  further  annuity,  the  benefit  of  which  they 
had  long  experienced,  from  the  punctuality  with  which 
the  seventeen  fires  [the  seventeen  United  States,]  com 
plied  with  their  engagements  ;  and  that  the  Shawanese 
had  no  right  to  come  from  a  distant  country  and  con 
trol  the  Miamies  in  the  disposal  of  their  own  property." 
The  governor  then  took  his  seat,  and  the  interpreter 
proceeded  to  explain  to  Tecumseh  what  he  had  said, 
who,  when  he  had  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrupt 
ed  him,  and  exclaimed,  "It  is  all  false  ;"  at  the  same 
time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal,  they  seized  their 
war  clubs  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  from  the  green 
grass  on  which  they  had  been  sitting.  The  governor 
now  thought  himself  in  iminent  danger,  and  freeing 
himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  his  sword  and  pre 
pared  to  defend  himself.  He  was  attended  by  some 
officers  of  his  government,  and  many  citizens,  more 
numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all  unarmed.  Most 
of  whom,  however,  seized  upon  some  weapon,  such 
as  stones  and  clubs.  Tecumseh  continued  to  make 
gestures  and  speak  with  great  emotion,  and  a  guard 
of  twelve  armed  men  stationed  in  the  rear  were  order 
ed  up.  For  a  few  minutes  it  was  expected  blood 
would  be  shed.  Major  G.  R.  Floyde,  who  stood  near 
the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and  Winnemak  cocked  his 
pistol,  which  he  had  ready  primed  ;  as  he  said  Tecum 
seh  had  threatened  his  life  for  having  signed  the  treaty 
28 


334  TECUMSEH. 

and  sale  of  the  disputed  land.  A  Mr.  Winds,  the 
Methodist  minister,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  and 
taking  a  gun,  stood  in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecumseh  had  said,  the 
governor  replied  to  him,  that  "  he  was  a  bad  man — 
that  he  would  have  no  further  talk  with  him — that  he 
must  return  to  his  camp,  and  set  out  for  his  home  im 
mediately."  Thus  ended  the  conference.  Tecumseh 
did  not  leave  the  neighborhood  ;  but  the  next  morning 
having  reflected  upon  the  impropriety  of  his  conduct, 
sent  to  the  governor  to  have  the  council  renewed,  and 
apologized  for  the  afFornt  offered.  To  which  the  gov 
ernor  after  some  time  consented  ;  having  taken  the 
precaution  to  have  two  additional  companies  of  armed 
men  in  readiness,  in  case  of  insult. 

Having  met  a  second  time,  Tecumseh  was  asked 
whether  he  had  any  other  grounds,  than  those  he  had 
stated,  by  which  he  could  lay  claim  to  the  land  in 
question.  To  which  he  replied,  "No  other."  Here, 
then,  was  an  end  of  all  argument.  The  indignant  soul 
of  Tecumseh,  could  not  but  be  enraged  at  the  idea  of 
an  "equivalent  for  a  country,"  or  what  meant  the  same 
thing ;  a  compensation  for  land,  which  often  repeated, 
as  it  had  been,  would  soon  amount  to  a  country  !  "The 
behavior  of  Tecumseh  at  this  interview,  was  very  dif 
ferent  from  what  it  was  the  day  before.  His  deport 
ment  was  dignified  and  collected,  and  he  showed  not 
the  least  disposition  to  be  insolent.  He  denied  having 
any  intention  of  attacking  the  governor,  but  said  he  had 
been  advised  by  white  men,"*  to  do  as  he  had  done  ; 
that  two  white  men  had  visited  hirn  at  his  place  of 
residence,  and  told  him  that  half  the  white  people 
were  opposed  to  governor  Harrison,  and  willing  to  re 
linquish  the  land,  and  told  him  to  advise  the  tribes 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison. 


TECUMSEH.  335 

not  to  receive  pay  for  it ;  for  that  the  governor  would 
be  soon  put  out  of  office,  and  a  "  good  man"  sent  in 
his  place,  who  would  give  up  the  land  to  the  Indians. 
The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent 
the  survey  of  the  land,  he  replied  that  he  was  deter 
mined  to  adhere  to  the  old  boundary.  Then  arose  a 
Wyandot,  a  Kikapoo,  a  Patowatomie,  an  Ottawa,  and 
a  Winnebago  chief,  each  declaring  his  determination 
to  stand  by  Tecumseh,  whom  they  had  chosen  their 
chief.  After  the  governor  had  informed  Tecumseh  that 
his  words  should  be  truly  reported  to  the  President, 
alleging  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew  the  land  would 
not  be  relinquished,  and  that  it  would  be  maintained 
by  the  sword,  the  council  closed. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  prolong  the  interview, 
and  thought  that  possibly  Tecumseh  might  appear  more 
submissive,  should  he  meet  him  in  his  own  tent.  Ac 
cordingly  he  took  with  him  an  interpreter,  and  visited 
the  chief  in  his  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor 
was  received  with  kindness  and  attention,  and  con 
versed  with  him  a  considerable  time.  On  being  asked 
by  the  governor,  if  his  determination  really  was  as  he 
had  expressed  himself  in  the  council,  and  he  said 
« Yes."  And  added,  "  that  it  was  with  great  reluc 
tance,  he  would  make  war  with  the  United  States — 
against  whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  but  their 
purchasing  the  Indian's  land ;  that  he  was  extremely 
anxious  to  be  their  friend,  and  if  he,  (the  governor,) 
would  prevail  upon  the  President  to  give  up  the  lands, 
lately  purchased,  and  agree  never  to  make  another 
treaty,  without  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he  would 
be  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  all  their  wars 
with  the  English ;"  whom  he  knew  were  always  treat 
ing  the  Indians  like  dogs,  clapping  their  hands,  and 
hallowing  stu-boy.  That  he  would  much  rather  join 


336  TECUMSEH. 

the  seventeen  fires  ;  but  if  they  would  not  give  up 
said  lands,  and  comply  with  his  request  in  other  re 
spects,  he  would  join  the  English.  When  the  gover 
nor  told  him  there  was  no  probability  that  the  Presi 
dent  would  comply,  he  said,  "  Well,  as  the  great  chief 
is  to  determine  the  matter,  I  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will 
put  sense  enough  into  his  head,  to  induce  him  to  di 
rect  you  to  give  up  this  land.  It  is  true,  he  is  so  far 
off,  he  will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still 
in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I  will 
have  to  fight  it  out."  He  had  said  before,  when  asked 
if  it  were  his  determination  to  make  war  unless  his 
terms  were  complied  with,  "  It  is  my  determination  ; 
nor  will  I  give  rest  to  my  feet,  until  I  have  united  all 
the  red  men  in  the  like  resolution." 

Thus  is  exhibited  the  determined  character  of  Te- 
cumseh,  in  which  no  duplicity  appears,  and  whose  re 
sentment  might  have  been  expected,  when  questioned, 
again  and  again,  upon  the  same  subject. 

Most  religiously  did  he  prosecute  this  plan  ;  and 
could  his  extraordinary  and  wonderful  exertions  be 
known,  no  fiction,  it  is  believed,  could  scarcely  sur 
pass  the  reality.  The  tribes  to  the  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  and  those  about  lakes  Superior  and  Huron,  were 
visited  and  revisited,  previous  to  the  year  1811.  He 
had  raised  in  these  tribes,  the  high  expectation,  that 
they  should  be  able  to  drive  the  Americans  to  the  east 
of  the  Ohio.  The  famous  Blue-jacket  was  as  sanguine 
as  Tecumseh,  and  was  his  abettor  in  uniting  distant 
tribes. 

At  one  of  the  meetings  at  Vincennes,  after  Tecumseh 
had  made  a  speech  to  governor  Harrison,  and  was 
about  to  seat  himself  in  a  chair,  when  he  had  closed, 
observed  that  none  had  been  placed  for  him.  One 
was  immediately  ordered  for  him,  by  the  governor, 


TECUMSEH.  337 

•*. 

but  was  indignantly  rejected  by  the  chief.  The  inter 
preter  said  to  him,  "  Your  father  requests  you  to  take 
a  chair."  "My  father?"  says  Tecumseh,  "the  sun  is 
my  father,  and  the  earth  is  my  mother ;  and  on  her 
bosom  I  will  repose,"  and  immediately  seated  himself 
in  the  Indian  manner,  upon  the  ground.* 

The  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  followed  soon  after,  in 
which  it  is  supposed,  Tecumseh  acted  a  dangerous  part, 
while  the  Prophet,  his  brother,  was  more  safely  acting 
up  his  conjurations,  upon  an  eminence  near  by;  sing 
ing  and  dancing,  and  urging  his  men  to  fight,  assuring 
them  that  they  should  conquer.  But  his  prophecy,  as 
usual,  proving  him  a  false  prophet,  he  fell  into  disre 
pute.  This  affair  took  place  in  the  night  of  Nov.  6th, 
1811,  in  which  sixty-two  Americans  were  killed,  and 
126  wounded.  The  Prophet  was  supposed  to  have 
lost  a  still  greater  number.  His  men  displayed  great 
bravery,  and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison 
lost  some  of  his  bravest  officers.  The  late  colonel 
Snelling,  of  Boston,  then  a  captain,  was  in  this  fight, 
and  took  prisoner  with  his  own  hands  an  Indian  chief, 
the  only  Indian  taken  by  the  Americans.  The  chiefs, 
White-lion,  Stone-eater,  and  Winnemak,  were  conspicu 
ous  at  this  time.  The  latter  was  the  pretended  friend 
of  the  governor,  but  now  appeared  his  enemy. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  governor 
Harrison  had  with  Tecumseh,  the  former  expressed  a 
wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that  cruelty  to  prisoners 
should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  Tecumseh  assur 
ed  him  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent 
it ;  and  it  is  believed  he  strictly  adhered  to  this  reso 
lution.  Indeed,  we  have  one  prominent  proof  at  the 
time  of  the  horrid  massacre  at  the  river  Raisin.  Al 
though  Tecumseh  was  not  himself  in  that  battle,  yet 

*  Sckoolcraft. 


338  TECtJMSEH. 

he  arrived  after  the  massacre  commenced,  and  actual 
ly  put  to  death  with  his  own  hand  a  chief  who  would 
not  desist  from  murdering  the  American  soldiers. 
The  chiefs  Spit-log,  and  Round-head  were  principal  in 
ihe  affair,  but  what  became  of  them  we  do  not  yet 
learn. 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  been  in  almost  every 
important  battle  with  the  Americans,  from  the  destruc 
tion  of  general  Harmer's  army,  till  his  death  upon  the 
Thames.  He  was  under  the  direction  of  gen.  Proctor, 
in  the  last  great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissat 
isfied  with  his  course  of  proceedings,  and  is  said  to 
have  remonstrated  against  his  retreating  before  the 
Americans,  in  very  pointed  terms.  Perry's  victory 
had  just  given  the  Americans  the  command  of  lake 
Erie,  and  immediately  after  Proctor  abandoned  Detroit 
and  marched  his  majesty's  army  up  the  river  Thames, 
accompanied  by  gen.  Tecumseh,  with  about  1500  war 
riors.  Harrison  overtook  them  near  the  Morovian 
town,  Oct.  5,  1813,  and  after  a  bloody  battle  with  the 
Indians,  routed  and  took  prisoners  nearly  the  whole 
British  army ;  Proctor  saving  himself  only  by  flight. 
After  withstanding  almost  the  whole  force  of  the 
Americans  for  some  time,  Tecumseh  received  a  severe 
wound  in  the  arm,  but  continued  to  fight  with  desper 
ation,  until  a  random  shot  laid  him  prostrate  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fight.*  One  hundred  and  twenty  of 
his  warriors  were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
.  Thus  fell  Tecumseh,  in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his 
age.  He  was  abou't  five  feet  ten  inches  in  height,  of 
a  noble  appearance,  and  a  perfectly  symmetrical  form. 

*  The  story  that  he  fell  in  a  personal  rencounter  with  coL 
Johnson,  must  no  longer  be  believed.  Facts  are  entirely  op 
posed  to  such  a  conclusion.  Indeed  we  cannot  learn  that 
the  colonel  ever  claimed  the  honor  of  the  achievmeat. 


TECTMSEH.  339 

"His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motions  quick 
— his  eyes  penetrating— his  visage  stern,  with  an  air 
of  hauteur  in  his  countenance,  which  arose  from  an 
elevated  pride  of  soul.  It  did  not  leave  him  even  in 
death."  He  is  thus  spoken  of  by  one  who  knew  him. 
His  dress  on  the  day  of  the  fatal  battle,  was  a  deer 
skin  coat  and  pantaloons. 

That  the  American  soldiers  should  have  dishonored 
themselves  after  their  victory,  by  outraging  all  decency 
in  indignities  upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chiefj 
cannot  meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.  Pieces 
of  his  skin  were  taken  away  by  some  of  them  as  me 
mentos  !  He  is  said  to  have  borne  a  personal  enmity 
to  general  Harrison  at  this  time,  for  having  just  before 
destroyed  his  family.  The  celebrated  speech,  said  to 
have  been  delivered  by  the  great  "  Shawanese  warrior," 
to  general  Proctor,  before  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  is 
believed  by  many  not  to  be  genuine. ^.Jtjnay  be  seen 
in  every  history  of  the  war,  and  eveflJfteriodical  of 
that  day,  and  in  not  a  few  since,  even  to  this.  There 
fore,  we  omit  it  here.  The  speech  of  Logan,  perhaps, 
has  not  circulated  wider.  Another,  in  our  opinion, 
more  worthy  the  mighty  mind  of  Tecumseh,  published 
in  a  work  said  to  be  written  by  one  who  heard  it,* 
is  now  generally,  (on  the  authority  of  a  public  jour 
nal,)!  discarded  as  a  fiction. 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth,  was 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Scioto  river,  near  what  is  now 
Chillicothe.  His  father's  name  was  Pukeesheno,  which 
means,  I  light  from  fly  ing.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle 
of  Kanhawa,  in  1774.  His  mother's  name  was  Mee- 
theetashe,  which  signifies,  a  turtle  laying  her  eggs  in  the 
sand.  She  died  among  the  Cherokees.  She  had  at 
one  birth,  three  sons.  Ellsfcwatawa,  which  signifies, 

*  John  Dunn  Hunter.  t  North  American  Review. 


340  TlSPEQUilf. 

a  door  opened  —  was  called  the  Prophet.  Tecumseh, 
which  is,  a  tiger  crouching  for  his  prey  ;  and  Kumskaka, 
a  tiger  that  flies  in  the  air.* 

The  Shawanoe  warrior  is  gone  — 

The  light  of  his  valor  is  fled  ; 
And  his  cruel  oppressor,  alone, 

Can  show  where  he  battled  and  bled. 

The  fate  of  the  chief  is  fulfill'd, 

His  foes  from  his  vengeance  are  free  ; 

But  the  heart  of  the  white  man  is  chill'd, 

When  he  speaks  of  the  bold  Shawanoe.  —  Hall, 


,  a  noted  chief  in  Philip's  war,  who 
was  nearly  as  distinguished  in  his  time,  as  Annawon. 
He  was  considered  a  great  powow,  and  made  his  men 
believe  that  a  bullet  could  not  kill  him.  Some  time 
after  the  capture  of  Annawon,  he  surrendered  himself 
up  to  the  English  at  the  instigation  of  captain  Church. 
They  barbarojiely  put  him  to  death.  It  is  true,  that 
be  had  done  them  great  mischief  —  carried  his  depre 
dations  nearly  to  Plimouth  village,  and  actually  burned 
a  part  of  the  town.  He  was  called  the  black  Sachem's 
son,  and  was  held  in  great  abhorrence.  Church  had 
promised  him  a  commission  under  him  if  he  would 
surrender  ;  but  the  authorities  of  Plimoulh,  knowing 
that  he  had  pretended  that  bis  person  was  invulnera 
ble,  seized  that  wretched  opportunity  to  revenge  them 
selves,  by  his  death.  Their  excuse  was,  that  he  was 
not  bullet  proof  as  he  had  pretended,  for  he  "fell  dead 
at  the  first  discharge  of  the  English  guns."  Church 
very  much  reprobated  their  conduct.  The  principal 
and  most  aggravating  act  of  Tispequin,  was  the  surpri- 
sal  of  a  Mr.  Clark's  house,  at  Plimouth,  and  murdering 
all  the  people,  being  eleven  in  number.  This  was  in 

*  Schoolcraft. 


TOTOPOTOMOI.  341 

the  early  part  of  the  war,  and  Church  had  just  been 
importuned  to  leave  his  family  there  for  safety,  it  be 
ing  considered  a  strong  garrison  house.  His  refusal 
proved  their  safety.  This  massacre  "was  the  more 
remarkable,"  says  Mr.  Htibbard,  "in  that  they  had  often 
received  much  kindness  from  the  said  Clark"* 

Tom,  (Captain,)  a  daring  chief,  who  resided  some 
where  to  the  east  of  Piscataqua.  He  obtrudes  himself 
upon  our  records,  August  17th,  1703,  at  which  time, 
with  about  thirty  others,  he  surprised  a  part  of  the 
town  of  Hampton,  in  New  Hampshire,  killed  five  per 
sons,  whereof  one  was  a  widow  Mussey,  "  who  was  a 
remarkable  speaking  Quaker,  and  much  lamented  by 
her  sect."  After  sacking  two  houses  near  the  garri 
son,  they  drew  off.f 

Many  Indians  seem  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Tom. 
Indian-hill,  in  Newbury,  was  owned  by  Great  Tom — 
who  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  proprie 
tor  of  lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he 
styles  himself,  /  Great  Tom  Indian.\ 

TOWIOCOWIO.  The  same  as  Uttamatomakin.  For 
an  account  of  him,  see  page  343. 

Ttotopotomoii  chief  of  the  Pamunkies,  in  Vir 
ginia,  after  Opekankanough.  In  the  time  of  the  ad 
ministration  of  governor  Digges,  about  700  Indians 
came  down  from  the  mountainous  part  of  the  neigh 
bouring  country,  and  settled  about  the  falls  of  James 
river.  The  people  were  alarmed,  and  sent  out  general 
Hill,  with  Totopotomoi,  and  a  band  of  his  warriors,  to 
dispossess  them.  After  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which 
Totopotomoi  and  many  of  his  men  fell,  the  English 
were  defeated. 

*  This  was  on  the  12th  of  March,  1676. 

t  Penhallow's  Indian  Wars. 

$  Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  J,  Coffin, 

' 


342 


TOTOPOTOMOI. 


Butter  has  turned  the  name  of  this  chief  to  good 
account,  in  his  Hudibras,  in  noticing  the  troubles  of 
the  pilgrims  of  Wessaguscus.*  We  are  sorry  that  the 
name  of  Wittuwamit  or  Peksuet  did  not  harmonize  with 
his  ear,  and  so  have  saved  him  from  the  trouble  of  a 
long  voyage  to  Virginia,  just  to  make  out  his  machine 
ry.  The  following  is  the  passage  : — 

" In  a  town 

There  lived  a  cobler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  doctrine  could  cut,  use, 
And  mend  men's  lives,  as  well  as  shoes. 
This  precious  brother  having  slain 
In  times  of  peace,  an  Indian, 
(Not  out  of  malace,  but  mere  zeal, 
Because  he  was  an  infidel), 
The  mighty  Tottipottymoy 
Sent  to  our  elders  an  envoy ; 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  breach 
Of  league,  held  forth  by  brother  Patch, 
Against  the  articles  hi  force 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours  ; 
For  which  he  craved  the  saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang  the  offender,    • 

*        *        *        *        *        * 
Resolved  to  spare  him  ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hogan  Moghgan  too 
Impartial  justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
Hang  an  old  weaver  that  was  bed-rid." 

And  this  is  the  origin  of  the  story  of  "hanging  the 
weaver  instead  of  the  cobler."  Butler  seems  to  have 
got  his  information  from  Thomas  Morton's  book,:):  which 
may  account  for  his  employing  the  name  of  a  Vir 
ginia  chiefj  as  Morton  gives  no  names. 

*  See  article  Wittuwamet  and  Peksuot. 
t  Hudibras,  (Gray's  edition,)  I,  Part  ii,  canto  2,  page  392. 
London  :    1764. 

\  New  English  Canaan. 

*&'   **- 


i  jil 


WABAN.  343 

)  one  of  the  famous  Narraganset  chiefs, 
who  figured  in  Philip's  war.  He  was  a  son  of  the 
"  noted  Sam  Barrow"  and  died  soon  after  that  chief 
was  killed,  with  grief  for  the  loss  of  his  kindred  and 
country.  Little  more  than  a  month  after  the  fall  of 
Philip,  Church  surprised  his  whole  company,  about  50 
persons.  He  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the  family  of 
Barrow :  and,  says  Church,  "the  wretch  reflecting  upon 
the  miserable  condition  he  had  brought  himself  into, 
his  heart  became  a  stone  within  in  him,  and  he  died. 
The  old  squaw  [that  Church  had  employed  to  persuade 
him  to  submit,]  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brush  over 
him — came  into  Sandwich,  and  gave  this  account  of 
his  death  ;  and  offered  to  show  them  where  she  left 
his  body,  but  never  had  an  opportunity,  for  she  imme 
diately  fell  sick  and  died  also."*  His  camp  was  in 
Rochester,  about  two  miles  from  Mattapoiset,  on  an 
island  in  a  swamp.  He  was  with  Tispequin,  at  the 
destruction  of  William  Clark's  garrison. 

the  same  as  Tomocomo. 
»  Sachem  of  the  Mohegans  ;  whose  coun 
try  was  upon  the  west  of  Connecticut  river.  Nowe- 
qua,]  or  Wowequa,\  was  his  brother.  Oneko,  and  sev+ 
eral  others,  whose  names  are  not  mentioned,  were  his 
sons.  We  have  had  occasion  to  speak  of  this  famous 
chief,  in  so  many  of  the  preceding  lives,  that  little  re 
mains  to  be  added.  He  must  have  lived  to  a  great 
age,  as  he  was  alive  in  1680,  (and  says  Mr.  Hubbard,§ 
"  probably  may  live  to  see  all  his  enemies  buried  be 
fore  him,")  and  was  a  Sachem  before  the  Pequot  war. 
If  Vffoff  »l?  one  of  the  first  who  embraced  Chris 
tianity,  in  Massachusetts.  His  early  abode  is  said  to 
have  been  included  in  what  is  now  Concord. 

*  History  of  Philip's  Wat.         \  Hazard.         J  /.  Mather. 
§  History  of  New  England,  464. 


344  WANNALANSIT. 


?  a  Christian  ;  «  the  ruler  of  Philip,  be 
fore  he  began  any  act  of  hostility,"  to  the  English. 
He  was  one  of  those  who  gave  them  notice  of  Philip's 
design  of  war. 

IWalk-in-the-Water)  a  famous  western  chief, 
who,  early  in  the  late  war  joined  the  English  to  op 
pose  the  operations  of  general  Hull.  He  is  named 
by  that  unfortunate  officer,  in  connection  with  Tecum- 
seh,  Marpot,  Logan,  and  Spit-log,  as  leading  "  the  vast 
numbers"  from  all  parts  of  the  neighboring  forests. 
WdLk-in-the-water  fought  bravely  at  the  Thames,  when 
Tecumseh  was  slain  ;  and  soon  after  the  battle,  came  to 
the  American  camp,  at  Detroit,  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
more  like  a  conqueror  than  a  vanquished  chief.  The 
real  soldier  could  but  admire  his  firmness  and  carriage. 
He  now  made  peace  with  the  Americans. 

\V\ina  in&tamCftlCt,  Sachem  of  the  island 
Aquidnek,  since  called  Rhode  Island,  and  subject  to 
Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh.  The  two  Sachems  last 
named,  sold  to  Wm.  Coddington  and  others,  that  island. 
IVanamatanemet  lived  upon  it,  and  in  addition  to  what 
was  paid  to  the  chief  Sachems,  he  was  to  receive  five 
fathom  of  wampum,  to  relinquish  his  right.* 

Watinala  Visit,  son  of  Passaconaway,  and  Sa 
chem  of  the  country  upon  the  Merrimack  river,  in  the 
first  settlement  of  New  England.  He  was  always  the 
friend  of  the  English,  and  when  he  could  live  no 
longer  in  their  neighborhood  without  endangering  the 
peace  of  his  people,  in  the  time  of  Philip's  war,  he  retir 
ed  with  them  far  into  the  wilderness  towards  Canada. 
Captain  Mosely  was  sent  up  to  his  place  of  residence, 
a  little  before  he  abandoned  it,  with  one  hundred  arm 
ed  men,  who  laid  waste  his  wigwams  and  winter's  pro 
visions,  and  yet  was  suffered  to  march  off  unmolested, 

*  MS.  documents,  on  file  among  Mass.  State  Papers. 


WATTASACOMPONOM.  345 

although  Mosely's  men  passed  sufficiently  near  Wanna- 
lansWs  warriors,  who  had  secreted  themselves,  to  have 
been  nearly  all  cut  off  by  them ;  but  the  old  chief  would 
not  suffer  them  to  fire,  although  he  restrained  them 
with  difficulty.  Like  Massasoit  and  Powhatan,  he  had 
many  places  of  residence.  One  of  the  principal  was 
Naamhok,  since  called  Amoskeag  ;  and  is  the  same 
word  that  Dr.  /.  Mather  tortured  into  two  Hebrew 
words,  to  prove  that  the  indigenese  of  America  were 
descended  from  the  Jews ;  but  for  which,  if  we  are 
not  misinformed,  any  other  Indian  word  would  an 
swer  the  same  purpose. 

Pennakook,  since  Concord,  N.  H.  was  also  a  chief 
seat  of  the  Sachems  of  Merrimack  ;  the  borders  of 
which  seem  to  have  been  very  populous.  The  sal 
mon  and  other  fish  were  taken  in  abundance  at  its 
falls.  The  swan,  and  other  water  birds,  added  to  in 
duce  a  residence  upon  its  banks. 

WattaSaCOMlponom,  the  "chief  man"  of  that 
company  of  Christian  Indians,  who  were  taken  away 
from  Hassanamesit,  as  before  mentioned  in  speaking 
of  Kattenanet.  He  was  generally  known  by  the  name 
of  captain  Tom.  Besides  being  the  chief  of  those  In 
dians,  he  was,  says  my  manuscript,  "  their  ruler,  a  pru 
dent  and  I  believe,  a  pious  man,  and  had  given  good 
demonstration  of  it  many  years."*  This  man  yielded 
to  the  enemy's  arguments,  and  by  his  example,  drew 
most  of  the  rest  away  with  him  ;  for  which  he  after 
wards  suffered  death,  being  executed  at  Boston. 

His  execution  was  upon  the  26th  of  June,  1676,  and 
although  the  venerable  Gookin  excuses  the  English  as 
well  as  he  can,  yet  it  must  be  allowed  to  be  but  a 
sorry  excuse.  We  learn  from  the  Roxbury  records,f 

*  Gookin'sMS.  Hist,  of  the  Praying  Indians, 
t  Copied  for  the  author,  by  Mr.  Joshua  Coffin. 
29 


346 


WETAMffi. 


that  but  one  witness  appeared  against  him  ;  and  that 
his  execution  was  much  talked  of  and  deeply  censured 
by  all  candid  people.  The  younger  Eliot  besought 
the  governor  in  the  most  affecting  terms,  that  he  might 
not  be  executed,  urging  the  want  of  evidence.  This 
failing,  he  pleaded  for  a  new  trial,  but  no  hearing  was 
granted  ! 

WTttWataWl*  The  chief  actor  in  the  destruc 
tion  of  Michilimakinak.  He  acted  under  the  direction 
of  Pontiac,  and  we  know  no  more  of  him.  See  the 
history  of  that  affair,  under  that  head. 

Tffl^ecojPOSit)  a  Wamasit,  who  in  the  time  of 
Philip's  war,  was  a  servant  to  one  Fletcher,  of  Chelms- 
ford.  He  was  employed  to  go  as  a  messenger  after 
the  Wamesits,  at  the  time  they  fled  into  the  woods  for 
fear  of  being  murdered,  as  related  under  the  head 
Numphow,  where  the  letter  which  he  brought  from 
them  may  be  seen. 

1£WBtCtlnMK)*  Wetamore^  or  Weetamoo^.  generally 
called  Squaw  Sachem,  of  Pocasset,  "  who  was  next 
unto  Philip,  in  respect  of  the  mischief  that  hath  been 
done."  She  was  with  Philip  when  he  returned  from 
the  Nipmucks.  in  1676,  and  was  drowned  in  attempt 
ing  to  cross  Tehticut  river,  in  August.  "  Some  of 
Taunton  finding  an  Indian  squaw  in  Metapoiset  newly 
dead,  cut  off  her  head,  and  it  hapned  to  be  Weetamoo, 
i.  e.  Squaw  Sachem  her  head.  When  it  was  set  upon 
a  pole  in  Taunton,  the  Indians  who  were  prisoners 
there,  knew  it  presently,  and  made  a  most  horrid  and 
diabolical  lamentation,  crying  out  that  it  was  their 
queen's  head."§  It  is  believed  that  the  author  of  "the 
Present  State  of  'New  England,"])  &c.  confounds  Wee- 
tamo  with  Awashonks',  and  it  is  therefore  uncertain 
which  a  brother  of  Philip  married. 

*  Church.        t  Hubbard.        t  /.  Mather.         §  Ibid. 
B  Cited  on  page  267. 


WITTUWAMET.  347 

a  famous  Creek  chief  and  war 
rior,  who  commanded  at  the  massacre  of  fort  Mims,  in 
that  country,  in  1813.*  He  was  a  half  breed,  and  as 
great  a  captain,  perhaps,  as  Annawon.  After  the  power 
of  his  countrymen  was  broken  down,  in  1814,  he  sur 
rendered  to  general  Jackson,  at  which  time  he  deliver 
ed  the  following  speech  : — 

"I  fought  at  fort  Mims :  I  fought  the  Georgia  army  : 
I  did  you  all  the  injury  I  could  :  had  I  been  support 
ed,  as  I  was  promised,  I  would  have  done  you  more. 
But  my  warriors  are  all  killed — I  can  fight  you  no 
longer.  I  look  back  with  sorrow,  that  I  have  brought 
destruction  on  my  nation.  I  am  now  in  your  power, 
do  with  me  as  you  please  ;  I  am  a -soldier."  General 
Jackson  gave  him  his  liberty. 

lffl*ittUWfimet)  a  chief  among  the  Massachu 
setts,  whose  residence  was  somewhere  to  the  north  of 
Plimouth.  His  history  is  a  most  melancholy  record 
of  proceedings  on  the  part  of  the  pilgrims  of  Plimouth. 
The  conspiracy  spoken  of  in  the  lives  of  Jlspinet,  Cor- 
bitant  and  Massasoit,  was  the  origin  of  much  misfor 
tune,  and  finally  terminated  in  the  murder  of  Wittu- 
wamct  and  several  others.  To  effect  which,  captain 
Standish  was  sent  among  them,  and  ordered  to  exter 
minate  them,  by  "  taking  them  at  unawares."  Accord 
ingly,  under  a  pretence  of  trading  with  them,  and 
while  they  were  in  a  house  eating  together,  in  appa 
rent  friendship,  Wittuwamet,  and  Peksuot  were  seized 
upon,  and  after  a  long  and  desperate  struggle,  were 
'*  upon  a  watchword  given,  and  with  their  own  knives, 
(hanging  about  their  necks,)  by  the  Plimouth  planters 
stabbed  and  slain."  "  It  is  incredible  how  many 
wounds  these  2  panieses  received  before  they  died  ;  not 
making  any  fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their  weapons, 

*  Brannan,  Official  Documents,  294. 


348  YCMANCM. 

and  striving  to  the  last"!  It  is  mentioned  that  Wiitu- 
wamet  had  greatly  insulted  captain  Standish ;  bragged 
much  of  his  great  strength,  and  the  sharpness  of  his 
knife.  His  head  was  taken  to  Plimouth  and  exposed 
upon  a  gate  post  of  the  fort,  as  was  afterwards  that 
of  Metacomet.  A  son  of  Wettuwamet  they  hanged  at 
the  same  time. 

These  troubles  caused  the  breaking  up  of  the  set 
tlement  of  Wessaguscus,  and  the  murder  of  several 
English  in  retaliation,  who  had  taken  up  their  resi 
dence  with  Chikataubut's  people. 

The  history  of  these  affairs  afforded  the  celebrated 
Butler  the  means  of  extending  the  renown  of  his  Hu- 
dibras,  in  nearly  half  the  world.  See  Tottopotomoi. 

Tt'OtnCSh^  a  Narraganset  chief,  of  note  and  con 
sequence,  in  1637.  His  name  stands  next  to  that  of 
Canonicus,  upon  the  instrument  conveying  the  island 
of  Aquidnek  to  the  English,  and  before  that  of  Mian - 
tunnomoh. 

ViWWmmi ,  the  last  Sachem  of  the  Pequots, 
who  lived  at  Niaritic.  He  died  in  1740. 


FINIS* 


, 


